COVID-19大流行是对宪法法律秩序的挑战

N. Varlamova
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引用次数: 1

摘要

COVID-19大流行无疑是一个紧急情况,它影响了世界上几乎所有国家,并对其当局的运作产生了严重影响。在目前的紧急状态下,各国有两种行动战略:在现有宪法秩序和现行法律规定的框架内克服这种紧急状态,或引入一种特殊的法律制度。今天,政治家和专家正在积极讨论如何选择这些应对COVID-19大流行的方案。在拒绝宣布紧急状态的情况下,使用通常的规则和程序,这也允许对与大流行病有关的人权建立必要的额外限制。这种方法很有吸引力,因为它可以防止恐慌的蔓延,并表明政府不打算采取“严厉”措施。与此同时,正式宣布进入紧急状态有助于提高对局势严重性的认识,并动员社会与之斗争。此外,这迫使国家公开宣布它将采取何种限制措施,证实紧急情况的实际存在和采取措施的必要性,并表明这一制度的时间框架。这在一定程度上保证了对人权施加的额外限制将不适用于正常情况。紧急状态通常以公共权力集中于行政权力机构为前提,这些行政权力机构通常是专门为某一特定时期设立的,其活动在很大程度上取代了议会和地区当局。然而,在大流行病中,“紧急程度”在该国不同地区的表现不同,这需要权力下放、区域当局和民间社会机构的参与。但是,在区域一级制定必要的限制性措施往往与宪法对人权和自由的保障相矛盾,这是区域当局无法纠正的,这“侵蚀”了宪法秩序。最大的危险是滥用紧急权力并将其用于政治目的,以及在紧急状态(实际存在或正式宣布)结束后保留某些紧急措施和实行的法律条例。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
COVID-19 pandemic as a challenge to constitutional legal order
The COVID-19 pandemic is certainly an emergency, it has affected almost all countries in the world and has a serious impact on the functioning of their authorities. In the current state of emergency, states have two strategies of action: to overcome it within the framework of the existing constitutional order and the current legal regulation, or to introduce a special legal regime. Today, the choice of these options for responding to the COVID-19 pandemic is being actively discussed by politicians and experts. Each of them has its pros and cons. In the event of a refusal to declare a state of emergency, the usual rules and procedures are used, which also allow the establishment of additional restrictions on human rights necessary in connection with the pandemic. This approach is attractive because it prevents the spread of panic and demonstrates that the state does not intend to resort to “draconian” measures. At the same time, a formal declaration of a state of emergency fosters awareness of the gravity of the situation and mobilizes society to combat it. Furthermore, this forces the state to openly declare what restrictions it is going to introduce, substantiate the actual existence of an emergency situation and the need for the measures used, and also indicate the time frame for this regime. This creates certain guarantees that the additional restrictions imposed on human rights will not apply to normal conditions. A state of emergency usually presupposes the concentration of public authority in the body (bodies) of executive power, often specially created for a given period, which in their activities largely replaces the parliament and regional authorities. However, in a pandemic, the “level of emergency” manifests itself differently in different regions of the country, which requires decentralization of governance, the involvement of regional authorities and civil society institutions. But the establishment of the necessary restrictive measures at the regional level very often contradicts the constitutional guarantees of human rights and freedoms, which cannot be corrected by the regional authorities, which “erodes” the constitutional order. The greatest danger is the abuse of emergency powers and their use for political purposes, as well as the preservation of certain emergency measures and the introduced legal regulation after the end of the emergency situation (actually existing or officially declared).
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