西德精英:焦虑的卡特尔,权力精英,还是回应的代表?

Ursula Hoffmann-Lange
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Although it is beyond the scope of this ehapter to diseuss Dahrendorf's historical analysis, his conclusions regarding West German elites will be analyzed in more detail, starting with the first theoretieal question raised above: the question of the vertical integration of West German society. The Sodal Background oe West German Elites Radieal social scientists tend to devote mueh attention to the degree of openness of elite recruitment. This is normally measured by comparing the demographie eharacteristies of elites to those of a cross section of the population, Le., by studying the social representativeness of the elites. If they are predominantly recruited from a narrow social stratum (mostly from the upper or upper middle class), this is widely interpreted as showing that individuals from lower-class backgrounds are deliberately excluded from the power positions in a soeiety. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

极权主义精英!基于这一类型学,达伦多夫分析了德国精英的历史发展(1967:第14章)。他从各种各样的来源提供了一系列令人印象深刻的证据,得出结论:德意志帝国有一个专制精英。这一精英阶层由普鲁士贵族主导,其现代组成部分,即商业精英,并没有发挥重要的政治作用。随着向魏玛共和国的过渡,新的政治团体开始掌权。这创造了一个更加异质的西德精英国家,其观点是多种形式的,但仍然是抽象的,因为其成员缺乏社会凝聚力,从而产生了治理问题。这个顶层的真空室最终被极权主义的纳粹精英填满。达伦多夫的大部分分析都是关于西德精英的性格。虽然讨论达伦多夫的历史分析超出了本章的范围,但他关于西德精英的结论将被更详细地分析,从上面提出的第一个理论问题开始:西德社会的垂直整合问题。西德精英的社会背景激进的社会科学家倾向于关注精英招聘的开放程度。这通常是通过将精英阶层的人口特征与人口的横截面特征进行比较来衡量的。,通过研究精英阶层的社会代表性。如果他们主要来自一个狭窄的社会阶层(主要来自上层或中上层阶级),这被广泛解释为表明来自下层阶级背景的个人被故意排除在社会的权力职位之外。所有可获得的经验证据表明,几乎在所有社会中,精英都不成比例地从特权社会背景中招募(普特南,1976:嗯。2).表4.2显示,在性别、社会阶层出身、宗教派别和教育程度这四个因素上,西德精英也是如此。该表包括两个不同的参考群体:40岁以上的工作人口和所有西德成年人中更难以捉摸的群体包括这两个参考群体的原因是,几乎所有的精英都属于第一个子群体,而这个子群体本身并不能代表整个人口,因为它排除了西德成年人口的相当一部分:学生、家庭主妇、失业者和退休人员。因此,将40岁以上的工作人口与所有成年人进行比较,已经解释了很多问题,尤其是精英人口中女性代表性不足的问题。达伦多夫长期倡导机会平等,他明确指出了西德精英——除了政治家——传统上是由狭隘的社会基础构成的(1967:238-250)。然而,近年来这种情况发生了很大变化。尽管西根南的精英仍然不成比例地来自中上层阶级,但到1981年,蓝领家庭的精英比例上升到13%,另外13%来自下层白领家庭(见表4.2)。人口统计学特征01精英与普通大众(列百分比)排除缺失值)
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
West German Elites: Cartel of Anxiety, Power Elite, or Responsive Representatives?
Totalitarian elite '! Based on this typology, Dahrendorf analyzed the historical development of German elites (1967: ch. 14). Presenting an impressive array of evidence drawn from a broad variety of sources, he concluded that Imperial Germany had an authoritarian elite. This elite was dominated by the Prussian nobility, and its modern elements, the business elites, did not play a significant political role. With the transition to the Weimar Republic, new political groups came to power. This created a West German Elites 85 more heterogeneous national elite that was multiform in its outlooks but remained abstract beeause its members lacked social eohesion, thereby ereating problems of governanee. This vaeuum at the top was eventually filled by the totalitarian Nazi elite. Most of Dahrendorf's analysis deals with the eharaeter of the West German elite. Although it is beyond the scope of this ehapter to diseuss Dahrendorf's historical analysis, his conclusions regarding West German elites will be analyzed in more detail, starting with the first theoretieal question raised above: the question of the vertical integration of West German society. The Sodal Background oe West German Elites Radieal social scientists tend to devote mueh attention to the degree of openness of elite recruitment. This is normally measured by comparing the demographie eharacteristies of elites to those of a cross section of the population, Le., by studying the social representativeness of the elites. If they are predominantly recruited from a narrow social stratum (mostly from the upper or upper middle class), this is widely interpreted as showing that individuals from lower-class backgrounds are deliberately excluded from the power positions in a soeiety. All available empirieal evidence indicates that in virtually all societies elites are disproportionately reeruited from privileged social backgrounds (Putnam, 1976: eh. 2). Table 4.2 shows that this is also true for West German elites with respeet to four faetors: gender, social class origin, religious denomination, and edueation. The table includes two different referenee groups: the working population over 40 years of age and the more inelusive group of all West German adults.4 The reason for ineluding both reference groups is that praetieally all elites belong to the first subgroup, whieh itself is not representative of the population at large beeause it excludes a eonsiderable part of the West German adult population: students, housewives, the unemployed, and the retired. A eomparison of the working population over 40 years of age to the universe of all adults thus already explains a good deal, especially about the underrepresentation of females within the elite population. Dahrendorf, a long-time advocate of equality of opportunities, explicitly eritieized the narrow social basis from whieh the West German elites-with the exception of the politicians-have traditionally been drawn (1967: 238-250). However, this has ehanged considerably in recent years. Although West Gennan elites still come disproportionately from the upper middle class, the percentage of elites from blue-collar families rose to 13 percent by 1981, with another 13 percent eoming from lower white-collar families (see Table 4.2). 86 Ursula Hoffmann-Lange TA8LE 4.2 Demographie Characleristles 01 Elites and Ihe General Population (column percentages. mlssing values exeluded)
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