“新东方主义”中的“恐怖主义”框架:9/11后西方新闻与逊尼派-什叶派穆斯林教派关系

Aziz Douai, S. Lauricella
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This article argues that ‘neo-Orientalist’ discourses and propagandist perspectives have become routinized and more prevalent in the manner in which Western media represents Islam, privileging dominant discourses and ‘war on terrorism’ frames. MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24.indd 7 6/3/14 11:55:00 AM Aziz Douai | Sharon Lauricella 8 The post-9/11 ‘war on terrorism’ has directly led to Western media’s greater attention to Muslim countries, issues related to religious extremism and radicalization and, more generally, the salience of Islam and Muslims in international news coverage (e.g. Karim 2003; Palmer 2003; Tumber and Palmer 2004; Richardson 2004; Artz and Kamalipour 2005; Saeed 2007). The salience of Sunni–Shia relations in Western media’s coverage of Islam and terrorism is part of this extensive reporting on the Greater Middle East. For media professionals and reporters of international news, a host of reasons warrant such increased media scrutiny of Sunni–Shia relations and the Sunni–Shia ‘divide’ in Islam (Nasr 2006), not least due to the threat of ‘terrorism’ and al-Qaeda (Schwartz 2002). On the one hand, Sunni Islam has become inextricably embroiled in the debate about how Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi tradition instigates extremism (Delong-bas 2004). The fact that al-Qaeda emerged out of Wahhabi Islam’s teachings, with its leader Osama Bin Laden born into the tradition, further cemented Sunni Islam’s supposed relationship to terrorism (Schwartz 2002). For international media organizations, highlighting the apparent rift between the Sunni and Shia Islamic teachings could provide a way of gauging the underpinnings of religious extremism. On the other hand, Sunni–Shia relations have become a hot topic of media coverage in large part due to these groups’ potential to engage in sectarian strife, but also because of the Shia sect’s influential rise in world politics (Nasr 2006). In addition to the evident geopolitical importance of the Khomeini-led Shiite Iran in the region, the US invasion of Iraq and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam’s Baathist regime shifted the balance of power in Iraq as its Shiite majority has become more vocal and the country’s de facto governing regime. While violence raged in Iraq, particularly in the years between 2004 and 2007, Iraq’s Sunni minority identified with the ‘resistance’ and the attacks targeting the US military, including the muchpublicized battle of Fallujah (Baram 2005). Moreover, the Lebanese Israeli war in 2006, which was essentially a confrontation between Shiite Hezbollah fighting Israeli forces, signalled the pre-eminence of Shia Islam in the region (Snow and Byrd 2007). The Sunni–Shia rift in Islam is rooted in the historical development of Islam itself and the struggle over power. After the death of Prophet Muhammad in 632 AD, two different perspectives regarding the succession of the prophet, and who should become the Caliph (the Muslim community’s leader) emerged, and subsequently clashed. While one perspective on succession claimed that Ali, Prophet Muhammad’s cousin, was the rightful heir, the second perspective believed that the prophet’s companions, Sahaba, had a rightful claim (Behuria 2004). Ali’s consent to be the fourth Caliph would have put the conflict to rest, but his assassination and the murder of his two sons led to a bloody conflict between his supporters and the opposing factions led by Muawiya, Muhammad’s brother-in-law. The political struggle had religious ramifications with the decision of Ali’s supporters to follow the teachings of ahl-ul-bayt (or the house of the prophet), and they became known as Shia. 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This article argues that ‘neo-Orientalist’ discourses and propagandist perspectives have become routinized and more prevalent in the manner in which Western media represents Islam, privileging dominant discourses and ‘war on terrorism’ frames. MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24.indd 7 6/3/14 11:55:00 AM Aziz Douai | Sharon Lauricella 8 The post-9/11 ‘war on terrorism’ has directly led to Western media’s greater attention to Muslim countries, issues related to religious extremism and radicalization and, more generally, the salience of Islam and Muslims in international news coverage (e.g. Karim 2003; Palmer 2003; Tumber and Palmer 2004; Richardson 2004; Artz and Kamalipour 2005; Saeed 2007). The salience of Sunni–Shia relations in Western media’s coverage of Islam and terrorism is part of this extensive reporting on the Greater Middle East. 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引用次数: 25

摘要

逊尼派和什叶派的关系已经成为媒体关注的重要话题;这种关注在很大程度上是由于这些组织参与宗派冲突的倾向,以及伊斯兰什叶派教派在世界政治中的影响力上升。伊斯兰教派之间的关系是对9/11后十年大中东地区目前发生的动荡事件的广泛报道的一部分。这项研究分析了加拿大《环球邮报》和美国《华盛顿邮报》10年来关于逊尼派和什叶派关系的新闻报道。结果表明,这些媒体报道绝大多数是从“反恐战争”的角度来描述紧张局势,而不是将逊尼派和什叶派伊斯兰教之间的宗派紧张局势置于背景之下。本文认为,“新东方主义”话语和宣传观点在西方媒体代表伊斯兰教的方式中变得常规化和更加普遍,特权化了主导话语和“反恐战争”框架。MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24。9/11后的“反恐战争”直接导致西方媒体更加关注穆斯林国家,关注与宗教极端主义和激进化有关的问题,更普遍地说,关注伊斯兰教和穆斯林在国际新闻报道中的突出地位(例如Karim 2003;帕默2003;Tumber and Palmer 2004;理查森2004;Artz and Kamalipour 2005;赛义德2007)。在西方媒体对伊斯兰教和恐怖主义的报道中,逊尼派和什叶派关系的突出表现是对大中东地区广泛报道的一部分。对于媒体专业人士和国际新闻记者来说,有很多原因使得媒体越来越关注逊尼派和什叶派的关系以及伊斯兰教中逊尼派和什叶派的“分裂”(Nasr 2006),尤其是由于“恐怖主义”和基地组织的威胁(Schwartz 2002)。一方面,逊尼派伊斯兰教已经不可避免地卷入了关于沙特阿拉伯瓦哈比教派如何鼓动极端主义的辩论中(德隆,2004年)。基地组织起源于瓦哈比伊斯兰教的教义,其领导人奥萨马•本•拉登出生在这一传统中,这一事实进一步巩固了逊尼派伊斯兰教与恐怖主义的所谓关系(Schwartz 2002)。对于国际媒体组织来说,强调逊尼派和什叶派伊斯兰教义之间的明显分歧,可以提供一种衡量宗教极端主义基础的方法。另一方面,逊尼派和什叶派的关系已经成为媒体报道的热门话题,这在很大程度上是因为这些团体有可能卷入宗派冲突,但也因为什叶派教派在世界政治中的影响力上升(Nasr 2006)。除了霍梅尼领导的什叶派伊朗在该地区明显的地缘政治重要性之外,美国入侵伊拉克以及随后推翻萨达姆的复兴党政权改变了伊拉克的权力平衡,因为伊拉克的什叶派多数派变得更加直言不讳,而且该国实际上的统治政权。当暴力在伊拉克肆虐时,特别是在2004年到2007年之间,伊拉克的逊尼派少数民族认同“抵抗”和针对美军的袭击,包括广为宣传的费卢杰之战(Baram 2005)。此外,2006年的黎巴嫩-以色列战争,本质上是什叶派真主党与以色列军队之间的对抗,标志着什叶派伊斯兰教在该地区的卓越地位(Snow and Byrd 2007)。伊斯兰教中逊尼派和什叶派的分歧根源于伊斯兰教本身的历史发展和权力斗争。公元632年先知穆罕默德去世后,关于先知的继承权,以及谁应该成为哈里发(穆斯林社区的领袖),出现了两种不同的观点,并随后发生冲突。一种观点认为先知穆罕默德的堂兄阿里是合法的继承人,另一种观点认为先知的同伴萨哈巴有合法的继承权(Behuria 2004)。阿里同意成为第四任哈里发本可以平息这场冲突,但他的遇刺和他两个儿子的被杀导致了他的支持者和穆罕默德的姐夫穆阿维耶领导的反对派之间的血腥冲突。这场政治斗争在宗教上产生了影响,阿里的支持者们决定追随“先知之家”(ahl-ul-bayt)的教义,他们被称为什叶派。穆阿维耶领导的派系决定只遵循圣训和圣行,即穆罕默德的教义和行为,因此被贴上逊尼派的标签。虽然什叶派和逊尼派宗教团体之间的激烈竞争时隐时现,但一些当代学者认为,当前的紧张局势象征着穆斯林世界的深刻变革(Nasr 2006)。MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24。“新东方主义”中的“恐怖主义”框架西方媒体对伊斯兰教的框架:多重理论
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The ‘terrorism’ frame in ‘neo-Orientalism’: Western news and the Sunni–Shia Muslim sectarian relations after 9/11
Sunni–Shia relations have become a topic of significant media attention; this attention is largely due to the tendency of these groups to engage in sectarian strife as well as the Islamic Shia sect’s influential rise in world politics. The inter-Islamic sectarian relations are part of extensive reporting on upheaval events currently taking place in the Greater Middle East in the post 9/11 decade. This study analyses ten years of news coverage of the Sunni–Shia relations in the Canadian Globe and Mail and the US-based Washington Post. Results indicate that rather than contextualizing sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shia Islam, this media coverage overwhelmingly frames the tensions from the ‘war on terrorism’ perspective. This article argues that ‘neo-Orientalist’ discourses and propagandist perspectives have become routinized and more prevalent in the manner in which Western media represents Islam, privileging dominant discourses and ‘war on terrorism’ frames. MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24.indd 7 6/3/14 11:55:00 AM Aziz Douai | Sharon Lauricella 8 The post-9/11 ‘war on terrorism’ has directly led to Western media’s greater attention to Muslim countries, issues related to religious extremism and radicalization and, more generally, the salience of Islam and Muslims in international news coverage (e.g. Karim 2003; Palmer 2003; Tumber and Palmer 2004; Richardson 2004; Artz and Kamalipour 2005; Saeed 2007). The salience of Sunni–Shia relations in Western media’s coverage of Islam and terrorism is part of this extensive reporting on the Greater Middle East. For media professionals and reporters of international news, a host of reasons warrant such increased media scrutiny of Sunni–Shia relations and the Sunni–Shia ‘divide’ in Islam (Nasr 2006), not least due to the threat of ‘terrorism’ and al-Qaeda (Schwartz 2002). On the one hand, Sunni Islam has become inextricably embroiled in the debate about how Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabi tradition instigates extremism (Delong-bas 2004). The fact that al-Qaeda emerged out of Wahhabi Islam’s teachings, with its leader Osama Bin Laden born into the tradition, further cemented Sunni Islam’s supposed relationship to terrorism (Schwartz 2002). For international media organizations, highlighting the apparent rift between the Sunni and Shia Islamic teachings could provide a way of gauging the underpinnings of religious extremism. On the other hand, Sunni–Shia relations have become a hot topic of media coverage in large part due to these groups’ potential to engage in sectarian strife, but also because of the Shia sect’s influential rise in world politics (Nasr 2006). In addition to the evident geopolitical importance of the Khomeini-led Shiite Iran in the region, the US invasion of Iraq and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam’s Baathist regime shifted the balance of power in Iraq as its Shiite majority has become more vocal and the country’s de facto governing regime. While violence raged in Iraq, particularly in the years between 2004 and 2007, Iraq’s Sunni minority identified with the ‘resistance’ and the attacks targeting the US military, including the muchpublicized battle of Fallujah (Baram 2005). Moreover, the Lebanese Israeli war in 2006, which was essentially a confrontation between Shiite Hezbollah fighting Israeli forces, signalled the pre-eminence of Shia Islam in the region (Snow and Byrd 2007). The Sunni–Shia rift in Islam is rooted in the historical development of Islam itself and the struggle over power. After the death of Prophet Muhammad in 632 AD, two different perspectives regarding the succession of the prophet, and who should become the Caliph (the Muslim community’s leader) emerged, and subsequently clashed. While one perspective on succession claimed that Ali, Prophet Muhammad’s cousin, was the rightful heir, the second perspective believed that the prophet’s companions, Sahaba, had a rightful claim (Behuria 2004). Ali’s consent to be the fourth Caliph would have put the conflict to rest, but his assassination and the murder of his two sons led to a bloody conflict between his supporters and the opposing factions led by Muawiya, Muhammad’s brother-in-law. The political struggle had religious ramifications with the decision of Ali’s supporters to follow the teachings of ahl-ul-bayt (or the house of the prophet), and they became known as Shia. The Muawiya-led faction decided to solely follow the Hadith and Sunnah, the teachings and acts of Muhammad, and therefore assumed the label Sunni. While the bitter rivalry between the Shia and Sunni religious communities has ebbed and flowed, some contemporary scholars suggest that the current tensions are emblematic of a deep transformation in the Muslim world (Nasr 2006). MCP_10.1_Douai_Lauricella_7-24.indd 8 6/3/14 7:45:26 AM The ‘terrorism’ frame in ‘neo-Orientalism’ 9 wesTern MediA frAMing of isLAM: MuLTipLe TheoreTicAL
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