冲突蔓延至城市

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Afghanistan’s urban population is forecast to almost triple from 9 to 25 million in 30 years.1 The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated in 2016 that 50m people worldwide were affected by urban armed conflict.2 But the roles of cities in armed conflicts go beyond that of sites for urban warfare. Cities often receive significant numbers of people displaced by conflicts, and local authorities frequently lack the necessary infrastructure and institutions to properly manage sudden and large inflows.3 Cities have also come to play a key role in armed conflict, supporting non-state armed groups in achieving political and economic goals beyond battle field victories. In Iraq, the successful occupation of the country by US-led forces in 2003 was followed by a civil war starting ‘as a primarily urban guerrilla struggle’.4 Mogadishu remains a hotspot in the armed conflict between clan-based militias, al-Shabaab and international forces – seven years after the radical Islamist group was driven out of the Somali capital by African Union troops.5 As the case studies below show, Colombia’s Medellín and Pakistan’s Karachi hosted armed groups and sustained war economies despite not seeing the bulk of combat. Some urban centres in fragile or conflict-affected countries have become sites of ‘conflict expansion’ – convergence points for illicit economies, nonstate armed groups and displaced populations. In other words, cities become tightly integrated into the broader dynamics of an armed conflict by sustaining, magnifying and transforming its dynamics, and sometimes leading to new conflict. The three main conflict-expansion mechanisms – population displacement, illicit economies and non-state group activities – can combine in different ways to transform or prolong a conflict. Rapid urban population growth facilitates this process, for instance, by exacerbating pre-existing sectarian divides, creating political and economic strain and providing opportunities for criminals and rebels to establish territorial presence and erode state control. Cities also provide opportunities for armed groups from outside the urban area to secure finance by working with criminal organisations, raise recruits from marginalised populations or hide from government operations in rural areas. 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引用次数: 3

摘要

成为脆弱的根源和武装冲突的主要驱动因素。已经在与贫困、政治体制薄弱和冲突作斗争的地区,由于不断扩大的城市地区的需求和社会复杂性而进一步不稳定。不受管理的城市增长绝不仅仅是一个地方问题,它已被视为联合国2030年可持续发展目标中的一个关键全球挑战。这一进程所释放的压力对贫穷国家最为沉重。然而,它们在面临武装冲突的地区具有潜在的破坏性。在撒哈拉以南非洲,联合国一半的维和行动都在该地区进行,2019年至2043年间,城市人口将增长132%,预计届时将超过10亿大关。阿富汗的城市人口预计将在30年内增加近两倍,从900万增加到2500万据红十字国际委员会估计,2016年全球有5000万人受到城市武装冲突的影响但是,城市在武装冲突中的作用不仅仅是城市战争的场所。城市往往接收大量因冲突而流离失所的人,而地方当局往往缺乏必要的基础设施和机构,无法妥善管理突然涌入的大量人口城市也开始在武装冲突中发挥关键作用,支持非国家武装团体在战场胜利之外实现政治和经济目标。在伊拉克,2003年美国领导的军队成功占领了这个国家,随后爆发了一场内战,“主要是城市游击斗争”摩加迪沙仍然是部族民兵、青年党和国际部队之间武装冲突的热点地区。7年前,这个激进的伊斯兰组织被非洲联盟部队赶出了索马里首都正如下面的案例研究所示,哥伦比亚的Medellín和巴基斯坦的卡拉奇虽然没有经历过大规模的战斗,但却拥有武装组织和维持战争经济。脆弱或受冲突影响国家的一些城市中心已经成为“冲突扩张”的场所——非法经济、非国家武装团体和流离失所人口的聚集点。换句话说,城市通过维持、放大和改变武装冲突的动态,有时会导致新的冲突,从而紧密地融入到武装冲突的更广泛动态中。三种主要的冲突扩大机制——人口流离失所、非法经济和非国家团体活动——可以以不同的方式结合起来改变或延长冲突。城市人口的快速增长促进了这一进程,例如,加剧了先前存在的宗派分歧,造成了政治和经济紧张,并为犯罪分子和叛乱分子建立地盘和削弱国家控制提供了机会。城市还为来自城市地区以外的武装团体提供机会,通过与犯罪组织合作获得资金,从边缘化人群中招募新兵,或躲避政府在农村地区的行动。通过这种方式,城市可以成为政治暴力及其肇事者的中心,支持非国家武装团体在战场胜利之外实现其政治和经济目标考虑到对同样机会感兴趣的敌对团体的存在,武装分子也可能采取更无情的策略,可能加剧城市冲突的严重程度。这两种情况并非相互排斥:城市可能为农村武装团体提供资金、招募人员和控制权,从而延长和改变冲突的动态,同时加剧城市暴力。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Conflict Expansion to Cities
become a source of vulnerability and a key driver in the perpetration of armed conflict. Regions already struggling with poverty, weak political institutions and conflict have been further destabilised by the growing demands and social complexity stemming from sprawling urban areas. Far from being solely a local issue, unmanaged urban growth has been recognised as a key global challenge within the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals for 2030. The pressures unleashed by this process are heaviest upon poor countries. They are, however, potentially devastating in areas facing armed conflict. In sub-Saharan Africa, which hosts half of the UN’s peacekeeping operations, the urban population will grow by 132% between 2019 and 2043, when it is forecast to surpass the 1 billion mark. Afghanistan’s urban population is forecast to almost triple from 9 to 25 million in 30 years.1 The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated in 2016 that 50m people worldwide were affected by urban armed conflict.2 But the roles of cities in armed conflicts go beyond that of sites for urban warfare. Cities often receive significant numbers of people displaced by conflicts, and local authorities frequently lack the necessary infrastructure and institutions to properly manage sudden and large inflows.3 Cities have also come to play a key role in armed conflict, supporting non-state armed groups in achieving political and economic goals beyond battle field victories. In Iraq, the successful occupation of the country by US-led forces in 2003 was followed by a civil war starting ‘as a primarily urban guerrilla struggle’.4 Mogadishu remains a hotspot in the armed conflict between clan-based militias, al-Shabaab and international forces – seven years after the radical Islamist group was driven out of the Somali capital by African Union troops.5 As the case studies below show, Colombia’s Medellín and Pakistan’s Karachi hosted armed groups and sustained war economies despite not seeing the bulk of combat. Some urban centres in fragile or conflict-affected countries have become sites of ‘conflict expansion’ – convergence points for illicit economies, nonstate armed groups and displaced populations. In other words, cities become tightly integrated into the broader dynamics of an armed conflict by sustaining, magnifying and transforming its dynamics, and sometimes leading to new conflict. The three main conflict-expansion mechanisms – population displacement, illicit economies and non-state group activities – can combine in different ways to transform or prolong a conflict. Rapid urban population growth facilitates this process, for instance, by exacerbating pre-existing sectarian divides, creating political and economic strain and providing opportunities for criminals and rebels to establish territorial presence and erode state control. Cities also provide opportunities for armed groups from outside the urban area to secure finance by working with criminal organisations, raise recruits from marginalised populations or hide from government operations in rural areas. In this way, cities can become hubs for political violence and its perpetrators, supporting non-state armed groups in achieving their political and economic goals beyond battlefield victories.6 Given the presence of rival groups interested in the same opportunities, armed actors may also develop more ruthless tactics, potentially exacerbating the severity of conflict in cities. The two scenarios are not mutually exclusive: cities may both prolong and transform the dynamics of conflict by offering rural-based armed groups access to funds, recruits and control, while simultaneously intensifying urban violence.
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