马吉丹:后共产主义乌克兰的存在和政治代表

W. V. Meurs, O. Morozova
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引用次数: 0

摘要

马克斯·韦伯区分了权威和合法性的三种理想的典型形式。这三种领导形式——魅力型领导、传统领导和法理领导——最原始的形式通常被解释为走向现代自由民主的一系列进步更现实的是,所有个人和机构权威都以这三种类型的特定融合为基础,即使在当今这个人民主权、专业化官僚机构和普选的时代也是如此。话虽如此,在20世纪,没有代表人民的主张的权威几乎是不可想象的代表的主张可能会有很大的不同,从认为自己是民主选举产生的代表特定部分选民合法利益的政治声音的代表,到正义的共同利益倡导者,或者是作为“人民”的神秘代言人的民粹主义者。同样,对一些人来说,“政治”作为代表主张的竞争,应该只在议会和政府的民主机构范围内进行。对其他人来说,街头政治是一种可以接受的代议制的补充形式,甚至是民主的高级形式。最近关于直接民主的辩论开始重新引入城邦理想,即公民不借助代表或中间人来表达自己的利益本章的特别案例研究介绍了走上街头的公民,他们拒绝任何形式的政治代表和领导,无论是民粹主义还是非民粹主义。他们的要求不是代表(一部分)人民,而是成为人民——只是存在而不是代表。这个案例研究举例说明了民主辩论的两个关键问题。首先,观察到今天最广泛意义上的民主原则(dimokratia—“普通人民的统治”)是任何政治权威主张的组成部分。第二,观察决定什么形式
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
9 Majdan: Presence and Political Representation in Post-Communist Ukraine
Max Weber distinguished three ideal typical forms of authority and legitimacy. In their crudest form these three – charismatic, traditional, and legal-rational leadership – are typically construed as a sequence of progress toward modern liberal democracy.1 More realistically, all individual and institutional authority is grounded in a specific amalgamate of these three types, even in the present era of popular sovereignty, professionalised bureaucracies, and universal suffrage. Having said that, in the twentieth century, authority without a representative claim referring to the people has become next to unthinkable.2 Representative claims may differ widely, from representatives who considered themselves the democratically elected political voice of the legitimate interests of a specific part of the electorate, to righteous advocates of a common good, or to populists as mystic spokesmen of “the people” in singular. Similarly, for some, “politics” as the contest of representative claims should take place exclusively in the confines of the democratic institutions of parliament and government. For others, street politics is an acceptable complementary form of representation or even a superior form of democracy. Recent debates on direct democracy set out to re-introduce the polis ideal of the citizen expressing his interests without recourse to representatives or middlemen.3 The extraordinary case study of this chapter introduces, among others, citizens who take to the streets, rejecting any form of political representation and leadership, be it populist or not. Their claim is not to represent (part of) the people, but to be the people – a matter of presence instead of representation. The case study exemplifies two key issues of democratic contestation. First, the observation that today the principle of democracy in the widest sense (dimokratia – ‘the rule of the common people’), is an integral part of any claim to political authority. Second, the observation that deciding what forms of
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