R. Mahmutčehajić
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在波斯尼亚人民的历史、文化和政治主体性中,它始终有可能意识到主权、领土完整和政治独立的波斯尼亚国家。防止或摧毁这种情况的计划是塞族人和克族人的民族目的论的基本内容,在这种目的论中,波斯尼亚及其人民被认为只是最终实现民族目标的手段。这就是为什么反波斯尼亚主义意识形态是塞尔维亚人和克罗地亚人民族目的论的重要内容。它的形式虽有变化,但其本质贯穿于民族民族主义的整个历史。通过追踪和研究历史、文化和政治中各种形式的反波斯尼亚民族主义的痕迹,找到导致种族灭绝发生和影响的线索,破译犯罪者和受害者的精神状态,一个问题出现了:这种复杂现象的哪个方面最容易被理解,没有一个明确的名称?反主权这个名称似乎清楚地反映了反波斯尼亚意识形态语义领域中这一维度的核心。这个名称符合塞尔维亚人和克罗地亚人的主流民族目的论与波斯尼亚人民在其主权国家中具有政治意识的可能性的关系。但是,这个名称符合塞尔维亚和克罗地亚与波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那国家主权、领土完整和政治独立的关系中国家意识形态的基本内容。除非这些国家在法律上和事实上承认波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那的国家主权与它们的国家主权一样,甚至更重要,否则它们之间的关系将不会也不可能和谐,并建立将在政治上不断改善的生活条件。它意味着为了共同利益调和相互冲突的利益。当我们说“不仅如此”时,它的意思是波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那长期受到塞尔维亚和克罗地亚霸权威胁的社会多元主义必须作为一项政治原则和作为克服这些国家所属的欧洲领土的地缘政治不安全的条件加以保护。波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那国家不是这种不安全的根源。这些是塞尔维亚和克罗地亚的政治和文化精英对它的破坏性态度。波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那国家的框架、它的历史、文化和政治是持久的。其中的宪法规则,在现代意义上,是在第二次世界大战后建立的。目前波斯尼亚秩序的基础是在国际法最广泛的框架内通过和保障的宪法。但是,应该在波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那国家的悠久历史中以及在它之前捍卫和否认各种宪法安排的历史中理解这一点。那部宪法既不是那个州宪政发展的开始,也不是结束。捍卫和否认波斯尼亚文化和政治以及宪法统治的历史持续时间的一切努力都是回答以下问题的基础:为什么现在和将来的宪法秩序都不能与波斯尼亚的历史、文化和政治分开?
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Antisuverenizam, dimenzija ideologijskog antibosanstva / Antisouverenism, the Ideological Anti-Bosnianism's Dimension
Within the historical, cultural and political Bosnian people’s subjectivity, there is a constant possibility of its awareness in relation to the sovereign, territorially complete and politically independent Bosnian state. And the plan to prevent or destroy that is the essential content of the ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in which Bosnia and its people were considered only the means for the final achievement of ethnonational goals. That is why the ideology of anti-Bosnianism is an important content of ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats. Although it changes forms, its essence lasts throughout the history of ethnonationalism. From tracking and studying the traces of various forms of ethnonational anti-Bosnianism through history, culture and politics, clues leading to the genocide that took place and weighed, from deciphering the mental states of both those who committed the crime and those suffering them, a question arises: which dimension of that complex phenomena most often eludes understanding and is left without a clear name? The name anti-  overeignty seems to clearly reflect the core of that dimension in the semantic field of anti-Bosnian ideology. That name befits the mainstream ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in their relations to the possibilities of political awareness of the Bosnian people in its sovereign state. But the same name befits the essential contents of the state ideologies of Serbia and Croatia in their relations with the state sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, territorial integrity and political independence. Until these states recognize both de jure and de facto that Bosnia and Herzegovina's state sovereignty is as the same as theirs, and even more than that, there will not and cannot be harmonization of relations between them and the establishment of living conditions that would be persistently improved in politics. It means in reconciling conflicting interests towards the common good. When we say “more than that,” it means that Bosnia and Herzegovina's social pluralism, long threatened by Serbian and Croatian hegemony, must be protected as a political principle and as a condition for overcoming geopolitical insecurity in the European territory to which these countries belong. The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not the cause of that insecurity. These are the destructive attitudes of Serbian and Croatian political and cultural elites towards it. The framework of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its history, culture and politics are long-lasting. And the constitutional rule in it, in the modern sense of the term, was established after World War II. The foundation of the current Bosnian order is the constitution adopted and guaranteed within the broadest framework of international law. However, it should be understood in the long history of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the history of defending and denying the various constitutional arrangements that preceded it. That constitution is neither the beginning nor the end of the development of constitutional rule in that state. All efforts to defend and deny the historical duration of Bosnian culture and politics, as well as constitutional rule, are the basis for answering the question: Why are neither the current nor any future constitutional order inseparable from Bosnian history, culture and politics?
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