非捆绑法律援助的限制:马萨诸塞州地方法院的随机研究和未来的展望

D. Greiner, C. Pattanayak, J. Hennessy
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引用次数: 76

摘要

我们说服了实施两个民事吉迪恩试点项目的实体,随机选择哪些潜在客户将从专业服务提供商的员工律师那里获得传统的律师-客户关系,哪些客户将只获得有限的(“非捆绑”)援助。在这两个试点项目中,潜在客户都是房屋驱逐程序中的被告,这两个项目都获得了超额认购。在本文中,我们报告了这两项随机对照试验中的一项的结果,我们将其标记为“地区法院研究”,以其发生的法院类型命名。在地区法院的研究中,几乎所有符合研究条件的驱逐被告在填写答疑和证据开示请求表格方面都得到了有限的帮助,而且大多数人还参加了关于简易驱逐程序的指导会议。在接受这种有限的帮助后,随机选择的治疗组的每个成员都收到了法律服务提供者的一名工作人员律师提出的传统律师-客户关系的提议;随机选择的相应对照组的每个成员都没有收到这样的提议。我们比较了处理组(由服务提供商的员工律师提供传统代理)与对照组(没有提供此类代理)在多个维度上的结果,主要关注单位的所有权、诉讼的财务后果和法院负担的衡量标准。至少对于参与本地区法院研究的客户来说,他们是通过服务提供者积极、及时、具体和选择性的外展和吸收系统招募和选择的客户,提供全面代理很重要。治疗组中大约三分之二的被告,而对照组中大约三分之一的被告,在诉讼结束时保留了他们单位的所有权。使用一个非常保守的财务后果代理,治疗组被告收到的付款或租金减免净额为9.4个月的租金,而对照组为1.9个月的租金。两项结果均有统计学意义。与此同时,虽然处理过的案件确实需要更长的时间才能做出判决,但从其他更重要的指标来看,提供代理并没有增加法庭负担。我们的结果在另一个维度上很有趣。对抗性制度的一个基本假设是,“正确”的答案将从有争议的事实和法律过程中产生,在这个过程中,双方都由称职的律师代表。在我们的治疗组中,86%的原告和97%的被告有律师。在上述假设下,我们处理组的结果是一个强有力的代表“正确”的结果在总结驱逐案件中,至少就涉及研究的潜在客户类别而言。实验组和对照组之间结果的差异表明,就本研究中的客户而言,地区法院的即决驱逐程序并未对对照组被告产生正确的结果。即使控制组的被告得到大量(但有限)的法律援助,即使审判程序包括一些旨在促进诉诸司法的措施,如调解和一些由法官发起的询问,情况也是如此。因此,尽管司法系统内的人员作出了最大努力,但司法系统并没有提供充分的诉诸司法的机会。我们讨论了治疗组和对照组之间差异巨大的可能原因。我们特别强调,我们的随机设计允许对已经获得大量法律援助的潜在客户提供全面代理的重要性进行黄金标准推断。但我们也强调,我们的研究结果可能表明,隔离一组有限代表不足的客户可能需要服务提供商投资于积极、及时、具体和选择性的外展和接收系统。由于这些和其他原因,我们警告不要过度解释或低估这项研究。在报告了地区法院研究的结果之后,我们对有限法律援助计划和一般法律服务计划的未来研究提出了一些想法。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Limits of Unbundled Legal Assistance: A Randomized Study in a Massachusetts District Court and Prospects for the Future
We persuaded entities conducting two civil Gideon pilot programs to randomize which potential clients would receive offers of traditional attorney-client relationships from professional service provider staff attorneys and which would receive only limited (“unbundled”) assistance. In both pilot programs potential clients were defendants in housing eviction proceedings, and both programs were oversubscribed. In this Article, we report the results of one of these two resulting randomized control trials, which we label the “District Court Study,” after the type of the court in which it took place. In the District Court Study, almost all study-eligible eviction defendants received limited assistance in the form of help in filling out answer and discovery request forms, and most also attended an instructional session on the summary eviction process. After receiving this limited assistance, each member of a randomly selected treated group received an offer of a traditional attorney-client relationship from one of the legal services provider’s staff attorneys; each member of the corresponding randomly selected control group received no such offer. We compare outcomes for the treated (offered traditional representation from a service provider staff attorney) group versus the control (no such offer) group on a variety of dimensions, focusing primarily on possession of the unit, financial consequences of the litigation, and measures of court burden. At least for the clientele involved in this District Court Study, a clientele recruited and chosen by the service provider’s proactive, timely, specific, and selective outreach and intake system, an offer of full representation mattered. Approximately two thirds of defendants in the treated group, versus about one-third of defendants in the control group, retained possession of their units at the end of litigation. Using a highly conservative proxy for financial consequences, treated group defendants received payments or rent waivers worth a net of 9.4 months of rent per case, versus 1.9 months of rent per case in the control group. Both results were statistically significant. Meanwhile, although treated cases did take longer to reach judgment, the offer of representation caused no increase in court burden as measured by other, more salient metrics. Our results are interesting on a different dimension. A fundamental assumption of the adversary system is that the “right” answer will emerge from a process of contested facts and law in which both parties are represented by competent counsel. In our treated group, 86% of plaintiffs and 97% of defendants were represented. Under the aforementioned assumption, then, the outcomes in our treated group are a strong proxy for the “right” results in summary eviction cases, at least with respect to the class of potential clients involved in the study. The disparity in outcomes between our treated and control groups suggests that, with respect to the clientele in this study, the District Court summary eviction process did not produce the right results for control group defendants. This was true even though control group defendants received substantial (but limited) legal assistance, and even though the adjudicatory process included certain measures designed to promote access to justice, such as mediation and some judge-initiated questioning. Thus, the adjudicatory system did not provide full access to justice despite the best efforts of personnel within it. We discuss possible reasons for the magnitude of the differences between our treated and control groups. In particular, we highlight that our randomized design allows gold-standard inferences about how much an offer of full representation matters for potential clients who had already received substantial legal assistance. But we also highlight that our results may suggest that isolating a set of clients for whom limited representation is inadequate may require service provider investment in a proactive, timely, specific, and selective outreach and intake system. For these and other reasons, we caution against either overinterpretation and underinterpretation of this study. After reporting the results of the District Court Study, we offer thoughts as to the future of the study of the limited legal assistance programs and of legal services programs in general.
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