黑人蓝领中产阶级的解体

William Lazonick, Philip W. Moss, Joshua Weitz
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引用次数: 2

摘要

1964年《民权法案》通过后的十年里,非裔美国人在美国企业和政府机构的种族融合工作场所获得就业机会方面取得了历史性进展。在本系列之前的工作论文中,我们已经表明,在20世纪60年代和70年代,没有大学学位的黑人通过进入资本密集型大规模生产行业的高薪工会工作,进入了美国中产阶级的行列。当时,美国的大公司支付这些蓝领工人中产阶级的工资,提供稳定的就业机会,并为员工提供医疗和退休福利。对黑人来说,特别重要的是向他们开放了工会化的半熟练操作和熟练工艺工作,这些工作在许多行业,特别是在汽车和电子制造部门,有很强的需求。此外,到20世纪70年代末,在平权法案和公共服务就业增长的推动下,黑人通过在地方、州和联邦各级政府机构以及主要由政府资助的民间社会组织工作,经历了向上流动,这些组织负责针对黑人居住的城市地区的社会和社区发展项目。到20世纪70年代末,美国出现了一个新兴的黑人蓝领中产阶级。这些工人大多只受过高中教育,但有足够的收入和福利为他们的家庭提供经济保障,包括现实的期望,他们的孩子将有机会在经济阶梯上向上爬,加入受过大学教育的白领中产阶级的行列。这就是二战后的几十年里白人所经历的事情,鉴于美国在全球制造业中的主导地位和国家平等就业机会立法所提供的动力,我们有充分的理由相信,黑人将沿着类似的教育和就业职业道路经历代际向上流动。但这并没有发生。总的来说,20世纪80年代和90年代是美国经济增长的几十年。然而,对于新兴的黑人蓝领中产阶级来说,他们的经历是失业、经济不稳定和向下流动。此外,随着20世纪的结束和21世纪的开始,很明显,这种恶性循环并不局限于黑人。只受过高中教育的白人也发现他们的蓝领工作机会消失了,伴随着更低的工资,更少的福利,以及对那些继续在这些工作中找到工作的人更少的保障。蓝领中产阶级的衰落给美国白人带来的痛苦,与上世纪80年代初以来对更加脆弱的黑人蓝领中产阶级的社会经济地位产生不利影响的趋势是一致的。在本文中,我们记录了蓝领黑人中产阶级的解体发生的时间、方式和原因,以及黑人向受过大学教育的中产阶级的代际向上流动被扼杀的原因。我们关注的是20世纪80年代初的汽车工业,这是黑人就业的一个重要领域,蓝领工人的裁员和制造业工厂的关闭。然后,我们记录了金融化经济中政府部门就业对黑人的不利影响,在这种经济中,主流意识形态是最富有家庭的收入集中促进了生产性投资,而政府支出只会阻碍这一目标。主要针对富人和企业部门的减税,颂扬“自由市场”商业企业的效率和活力的政治和经济信念的优势,以及对政府可以解决社会问题的想法的诋毁,所有这些加在一起,导致了政府预算的缩减,监管执法的削弱,并破坏了以前为非裔美国人在政府和公民社会部门提供更多机会的倡议。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class
In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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