这是关于保护。芬兰加入北约的防御措施

Arto Nokkala
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摘要

俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后,芬兰迅速申请加入北约。如果把重点放在逐渐发展的国防政策上,从长远来看,芬兰的安全政策发展并不一定是那么激烈。它代表了安全政策的重要连续性,但也在推动芬兰成为北约成员国的步骤中发挥了核心作用。根据不同的研究和描述,以下几点似乎是构建芬兰通往联盟之路的初步叙述的关键。第二次世界大战后,芬兰与西方的关系依赖于与苏联的双边关系。芬兰意识到,它不能指望西方在其安全方面给予任何支持。尽管芬兰的安全政策建立在承认事实的基础上,并与苏联签订了《联邦军事行动条约》(FCMA Treaty),但从历史和芬兰脆弱的地缘政治地位来看,这个东部邻国被视为主要的、后来也是唯一的军事威胁。然而,直到2010年代,这种威胁一直被安全政策话语中的所谓“双关”所掩盖。在这种背景下,国家国防发展成为独立的现代领土防御,最终是为了防御大规模的入侵。芬兰的国防在社会上享有很高的合法性和信心,特别是从20世纪70年代开始。安全政策超越了一般政治,成为一种具有强烈政治共识的超级政治。冷战结束后,芬兰加入了欧盟,国防政策和国防机构在即将到来的北约中发挥了主导作用。芬兰在其近邻实施稳定政策的机会被认为是有限的,特别是在2007年后俄罗斯对西方采取了自我主张的外交和安全政策之后。与此同时,随后增加的合作、网络和一体化刺激了人们对西方国防依赖的看法。这种对国防的日益重视实际上把人们的注意力转向了北约成员国可能提供的额外安全。然而,在芬兰公众准备好认识到加入北约的风险小于其好处之前,申请加入北约需要经历俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的冲击。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
It Is About Protection. Defence in Finland’s Steps to NATO
After Russia invaded Ukraine, Finland quickly applied for NATO membership. This step is not necessarily that drastic should Finland’s security policy development in the long term be examined with one’s focus set on a gradually-developed defence policy. It represents an important continuity in security policy, but also played a central role in advancing Finland’s steps to becoming NATO members. On the basis of different studies and accounts, the following points seem to be critical in constructing a preliminary narrative about Finland’s road to the Alliance. After the Second World War, Finland’s western relations became dependent on its bilateral relations with the Soviet Union. Finland was aware that it could not expect any support from the West as regards its security. Despite a security policy based on recognising facts, and the FCMA Treaty with the Soviet Union, the eastern neighbour was seen as the main, and, later on, the only military threat on the basis of history and Finland’s vulnerable geopolitical position. The threat, however, was concealed by so-called “doubletalk” in security policy discourse until the 2010s. In this context, state defence was developed to be an independent and modern territorial defence, ultimately there to defend against a large-scale invasion. Finland’s defence enjoyed high legitimacy and confi dence in society, especially from the 1970s. Security policy was raised above normal politics to be a kind of super-politics with a strong political consensus. When the Cold War ended and Finland joined the European Union, defence policy and the defence establishment got a leading role in working an approaching NATO. Finland’s opportunities to conduct stabilisation policy in its close neighbourhood were seen as being limited, especially after Russia adopted a self-asserting foreign and security policy towards theWest after 2007. At the same time, the subsequently increased cooperation, networking, and integration stimulated perceptions about western defence dependence. This increased emphasis on defence actually turned people’s attention to the extra security that NATO membership might provide. Applying for NATO, however, required the shock of a Russian invasion of Ukraine before the Finnish public was ready to see the risks of NATO membership as being less than that of its benefits.
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