关键事件谈判的S.A.F.E.模型

Mitchell R. Hammer
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引用次数: 3

摘要

我们生活在一个暴力的时代。每一天,互联网网站、报纸、电视和广播电台都在报道暴力肆虐的可怕细节。媒体报道的大多数重大事件都是人为造成的(尽管自然灾害也会造成重大事件)。这类人为事件的范围很广泛,从一名心怀不满的员工在工作时被堵在餐厅里,到发生在德克萨斯州韦科(Waco)的导致81名大卫教派信徒死亡的悲剧等邪教冲突。重大事件还可以包括一个人持枪自杀,造成大规模伤亡的情景,例如2006年7月7日伦敦公共交通系统发生的精心策划的爆炸事件,造成56人死亡(包括4名杀人炸弹袭击者),700人受伤,以及2001年9月11日恐怖分子对纽约市世界贸易大厦和华盛顿特区五角大楼的袭击,造成3000多名无辜受害者死亡。关键事件可以计划到最小的细节或冲动点燃(例如,路怒症)。它们可能来自任何类型的不满意的遭遇,包括抢劫、家庭纠纷、工作场所的愤怒对抗、家庭争吵,甚至是餐馆、酒吧或体育赛事中的偶然误解。一个关键事件可能涉及到一个据报道拥有武器的对象,并把他/她自己关在一个房间或建筑物里。事件也可以是人质事件,在这种情况下,个人为了达到某种确定的、有用的目标而违背自己的意愿被关押,或者是一个非人质事件,在这种情况下,个人违背自己的意愿被关押,成为主体情绪状态的受害者(G.W. Noesner, 1999)。然而,在各种各样的事件特征中,有一个共同点是,这些潜在的致命情况通常通过谈判或战术解决方案来解决。然而,当危机事件得到战术解决时,公众对战术攻击是否有必要解决潜在的暴力事件的审查就会增加。随着这种审查,越来越多的人要求执法部门采用最新和最有效的谈判方法来和平解决潜在的暴力冲突,包括监狱骚乱、犯罪行为、恐怖主义行为、自杀企图和劫持人质的情况(Hammer, 2007)。然而,并不是所有的危机谈判努力都能以和平的方式解决问题。当谈判失败时,人质、旁观者、警察和当事人本身受伤或死亡的风险都很高。在本章中,我将重点讨论谈判在解决关键事件中的作用。具体来说,我以总结的形式提出了基于定量研究的S.A.F.E.危机谈判模型(Hammer & Rogan, 2004;Rogan & Hammer, 1994,1995,1998)以及最近的话语分析调查(Hammer, 2007)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The S.A.F.E. Model of Negotiating Critical Incidents
These are violent times we live in. Each and every day, internet sites, newspapers, and television and radio stations report the gruesome details of violence run amok. The majority of critical incidents reported by the media are human-made situations (although critical incidents also arise from natural disasters as well). Such human-induced incidents can range from a disgruntled employee barricaded in the lunchroom at work to a cult confrontation such as the tragedy in Waco, Texas that resulted in the fiery deaths of 81 Branch Davidians. A critical incident can also include a single, suicidal individual with a gun to mass casualty scenarios, such as the calculated and planned bombings on the London mass transit system on July 7, 2006 in which fifty-six people were killed (including four homicide bombers) and 700 injured and the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 on the World Trade Towers in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., resulting in the deaths of over 3,000 innocent victims. Critical incidents can be planned to the smallest detail or impulsively ignited (e.g., road rage). They can arise from any type of unsatisfactory encounter, including a robbery, a domestic dispute, an angry confrontation in the workplace, a family argument, and even a casual misunderstanding in a restaurant, bar, or sporting event. A critical incident can involve a subject who is reported to have a weapon and has barricaded him/herself in a room or building. An incident can also be a hostage situation whereby individuals are held against their will in order to attain some identified, instrumental goal or a non-hostage event in which individuals are held against their will and are victims to the subject's emotional state (G.W. Noesner, 1999). Common across this wide variety of incident characteristics, however, is that these potentially deadly situations are often resolved either through negotiation or through a tactical solution. When a crisis incident is resolved tactically, however, there is increased public scrutiny as to whether a tactical assault was necessary to resolve the potentially violent event. With this scrutiny has come increased demands for law enforcement to employ the latest and most effective negotiation approaches for peacefully resolving potentially violent encounters that include prison riots, criminal actions, terrorist acts, suicide attempts, and hostage taking situations (Hammer, 2007). Yet not all efforts at negotiating a crisis situation result in a peaceful surrender of the subject. When negotiation fails, hostages, bystanders, police officers and the subject him/her self are at elevated risk of being injured or killed. In this chapter, I focus on the role of negotiation in resolving critical incidents. Specifically, I present, in summary form, the S.A.F.E. crisis negotiation model that is grounded in quantitative research (Hammer & Rogan, 2004; Rogan & Hammer, 1994, 1995, 1998) and more recent discourse analytic investigation (Hammer, 2007).
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