{"title":"消极的成语","authors":"José Camacho","doi":"10.1017/9781108674195.007","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The meaning of complex idiomatic expressions cannot be fully derived from the meaning of their parts. Thus, (1a)'s meaning is not derived by semantic composition of {me}, {vale} and {madre}. Additionally, idiomatic expressions are partially syntactically active: (1a) can be clitic left-dislocated with a 3pl. clitic (cf. (1b)), allows for a pl. NP (cf. (1c)), but not a full DP (cf. (1d))). Given the non-compositionality of idiomatic meaning, idioms must be stored as lexical units (i.e. word-like units) in the lexicon. (1) a. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madre mother (Mexican Spanish) 'I don't give a shit.' b. A to ellos them les cl.3pl vale is.worth madre. mother 'They don't give a shit.' c. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madres mothers 'I don't give a shit.' d. Hoy today me cl.1sg valen are.worth madres mothers 'Today I don't give a shit.' e. * Me cl.1sg valen is.worth {la/una} the/a madre mother famosa famous One particular class of idioms (henceforth N-idioms) have the following properties: 1) they require syntactic negation, as seen indicated by *(no) in (2)), 2) they have idiomatic meaning (cf. the translations of (2), 3) they are not fully syntactically productive (cf. (3), only possible in the somewhat absurd literal meaning). (2) a. Anoche last night *(no) not pegué stuck ojo. eye 'Last night I didn't sleep at all.' b. *(No) not pega/da hit/give (ni) (not una. even) one 'S/he doesn't do a thing right.' c. *(No) not es is nada nothing del of-the otro other mundo. world 'Be nothing out of the ordinary.' d. *(No) not es is moco snot de of pavo. turkey 'It's not a piece of cake.' e. *(No) not tiene have pelos hairs en in la the lengua tongue 'S/he will call a spade spade' (3) a. #Mi mi colega colleague no not tiene has pelo hair en on la the lengua tongue b. ??Anoche, last night, no not fue was pegado stuck ojo eye por on parte Pedro's de part Pedro c. Terminé finished la the tarea, homework, #lo que which no is es no moco green verde snot de of pavo! turkey 4) Negation must c-command the idiomatic expression (cf. (4)-(5)). In (4), the idiomatic VP is embedded in the infinitival subject clause, where it cannot be c-commanded by negation. In (5a), a fronted VP idiom is also not licensed by negation that doesn't c-command it. As a conclusion, the N-idiom must be …","PeriodicalId":355037,"journal":{"name":"Exploring Interfaces","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Negative Idioms\",\"authors\":\"José Camacho\",\"doi\":\"10.1017/9781108674195.007\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The meaning of complex idiomatic expressions cannot be fully derived from the meaning of their parts. Thus, (1a)'s meaning is not derived by semantic composition of {me}, {vale} and {madre}. Additionally, idiomatic expressions are partially syntactically active: (1a) can be clitic left-dislocated with a 3pl. clitic (cf. (1b)), allows for a pl. NP (cf. (1c)), but not a full DP (cf. (1d))). Given the non-compositionality of idiomatic meaning, idioms must be stored as lexical units (i.e. word-like units) in the lexicon. (1) a. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madre mother (Mexican Spanish) 'I don't give a shit.' b. A to ellos them les cl.3pl vale is.worth madre. mother 'They don't give a shit.' c. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madres mothers 'I don't give a shit.' d. Hoy today me cl.1sg valen are.worth madres mothers 'Today I don't give a shit.' e. * Me cl.1sg valen is.worth {la/una} the/a madre mother famosa famous One particular class of idioms (henceforth N-idioms) have the following properties: 1) they require syntactic negation, as seen indicated by *(no) in (2)), 2) they have idiomatic meaning (cf. the translations of (2), 3) they are not fully syntactically productive (cf. (3), only possible in the somewhat absurd literal meaning). (2) a. Anoche last night *(no) not pegué stuck ojo. eye 'Last night I didn't sleep at all.' b. *(No) not pega/da hit/give (ni) (not una. even) one 'S/he doesn't do a thing right.' c. *(No) not es is nada nothing del of-the otro other mundo. world 'Be nothing out of the ordinary.' d. *(No) not es is moco snot de of pavo. turkey 'It's not a piece of cake.' e. *(No) not tiene have pelos hairs en in la the lengua tongue 'S/he will call a spade spade' (3) a. #Mi mi colega colleague no not tiene has pelo hair en on la the lengua tongue b. ??Anoche, last night, no not fue was pegado stuck ojo eye por on parte Pedro's de part Pedro c. Terminé finished la the tarea, homework, #lo que which no is es no moco green verde snot de of pavo! turkey 4) Negation must c-command the idiomatic expression (cf. (4)-(5)). In (4), the idiomatic VP is embedded in the infinitival subject clause, where it cannot be c-commanded by negation. In (5a), a fronted VP idiom is also not licensed by negation that doesn't c-command it. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
复杂的习语表达的意思不能完全由其组成部分的意思推导出来。因此,(1a)的意义不是由{me}、{vale}和{madre}的语义组合得来的。此外,习惯表达在语法上是部分活跃的:(1a)可以用3pl进行左键错位。clitic (cf. (1b))允许一个pl. NP (cf. (1c)),但不允许一个完整的DP (cf. (1d))。鉴于习语意义的非组合性,习语必须作为词汇单位(即类词单位)存储在词典中。(1)我的意思是:1g值是。母亲(墨西哥西班牙语)“我才不管呢。b. A .让他们更清楚。3pl值是。值得母亲。妈妈:他们才不管呢。“好吧。”1g值是。我才不管呢。嗨,今天我很高兴。我的爱人是。今天我才不管呢。“我。”我的爱人是。有一类特殊的习语(以下简称n -习语)具有以下特性:1)它们需要句法否定,如(2)中的*(no)所示;2)它们具有习惯意义(参见(2)的翻译;3)它们在句法上不是完全有效的(参见(3),只有在有点荒谬的字面意义上才有可能)。昨晚又有一个人(不)被困住了。“昨晚我根本没睡。*(No) not pega/da hit/give (ni) (not una)即使某人做的事不对。c. *(不)不,他没有任何东西,也没有任何其他世界的东西。没有什么不寻常的。d. *(不)不,这是一种不含酒精的饮料。这可不是件容易的事。“他/她会直言不讳”(3)a. #米米的大学同事不,米米有pelo hair en on la米米的舌头b. ?? ?还有,昨天晚上,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不,不。否定必须c-command惯用表达(参见(4)-(5))。在式(4)中,惯用语VP嵌入在不定式主语从句中,不能通过否定来控制。在(5a)中,前置VP习语也不受不使用c命令的否定的许可。作为结论,n习语必须是……
The meaning of complex idiomatic expressions cannot be fully derived from the meaning of their parts. Thus, (1a)'s meaning is not derived by semantic composition of {me}, {vale} and {madre}. Additionally, idiomatic expressions are partially syntactically active: (1a) can be clitic left-dislocated with a 3pl. clitic (cf. (1b)), allows for a pl. NP (cf. (1c)), but not a full DP (cf. (1d))). Given the non-compositionality of idiomatic meaning, idioms must be stored as lexical units (i.e. word-like units) in the lexicon. (1) a. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madre mother (Mexican Spanish) 'I don't give a shit.' b. A to ellos them les cl.3pl vale is.worth madre. mother 'They don't give a shit.' c. Me cl.1sg vale is.worth madres mothers 'I don't give a shit.' d. Hoy today me cl.1sg valen are.worth madres mothers 'Today I don't give a shit.' e. * Me cl.1sg valen is.worth {la/una} the/a madre mother famosa famous One particular class of idioms (henceforth N-idioms) have the following properties: 1) they require syntactic negation, as seen indicated by *(no) in (2)), 2) they have idiomatic meaning (cf. the translations of (2), 3) they are not fully syntactically productive (cf. (3), only possible in the somewhat absurd literal meaning). (2) a. Anoche last night *(no) not pegué stuck ojo. eye 'Last night I didn't sleep at all.' b. *(No) not pega/da hit/give (ni) (not una. even) one 'S/he doesn't do a thing right.' c. *(No) not es is nada nothing del of-the otro other mundo. world 'Be nothing out of the ordinary.' d. *(No) not es is moco snot de of pavo. turkey 'It's not a piece of cake.' e. *(No) not tiene have pelos hairs en in la the lengua tongue 'S/he will call a spade spade' (3) a. #Mi mi colega colleague no not tiene has pelo hair en on la the lengua tongue b. ??Anoche, last night, no not fue was pegado stuck ojo eye por on parte Pedro's de part Pedro c. Terminé finished la the tarea, homework, #lo que which no is es no moco green verde snot de of pavo! turkey 4) Negation must c-command the idiomatic expression (cf. (4)-(5)). In (4), the idiomatic VP is embedded in the infinitival subject clause, where it cannot be c-commanded by negation. In (5a), a fronted VP idiom is also not licensed by negation that doesn't c-command it. As a conclusion, the N-idiom must be …