枪支与游击女孩:津巴布韦解放斗争中的妇女(回顾)

W. Willems
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引用次数: 3

摘要

控制。这种叙事强调的是基于重新分配白人拥有的土地的土地改革,而不是内部改革。然而,这种抵制只是推迟了内部改革的执行,而这些改革未能如所承诺的那样避免无地、保有权不安全、生产力低下和土地退化。最终,2000年政府政策转向快速土地再分配计划,将渴望土地的人的注意力转移到入侵的前白人拥有的土地上,就像项目官员被重新部署到新的土地再分配计划中一样。然而,反叙事的更广泛影响在一定程度上助长了对土地再分配的要求。因此,从本质上讲,这本书含蓄地主张对津巴布韦的土地问题和快速通道土地改革有更深入的了解。它确定了农村地区各种明确要求土地再分配的社会力量,包括当地酋长、灵媒、拥挤的公共地区的土著居民和无地移民(陌生人)。实际上,这些力量促使城市精英和其他有政治组织的利益集团在当时寻求一项激进的官方土地再分配方案。因此,这项研究至关重要地提醒人们注意1980年以来导致津巴布韦土地再分配改革停滞和恢复的复杂进程。它突出表明,国内土地改革和农村发展等治标不治本的政策未能适应地方优先事项,也未能压制民众对土地再分配的要求。证据明确指出了非国家行为体在拒绝内部土地改革和精心安排土地再分配方面发挥的关键作用,包括传统领导人和由当地人动员的灵媒。这本书还对津巴布韦农村灵媒的研究做出了重要贡献,拒绝了对灵媒对当地社区和官场的巨大而独立的影响的过度简化的描述。它用一种细致入微的处理方式取代了这种观点,即他们与社会分化的农村社区之间不断变化的互动,这反过来又影响了灵媒的叙述。此外,人们发现灵媒愿意调解“陌生人”的利益。证据表明灵媒和酋长如何经常追求其信徒的要求,以及Mhondoro邪教如何成为讨论发展和各种社会和政治问题的重要平台,而不是自主运作。因此,灵媒不能局限于本土民族的传统中,也不能只局限于过去的愿景中,因为它们调解了各种居民的利益,不拒绝“现代发展”,并展望未来。作者对当地社区抵制包括内部土地改革在内的发展项目的原因提供了重要见解,从而为理解津巴布韦对土地再分配改革的需求提供了重要线索。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Guns and Guerrilla Girls: women in the Zimbabwean liberation struggle (review)
controls. This narrative emphasizes land reforms based on redistributing land held by whites, as opposed to the internal reforms. This resistance, however, only managed to delay the implementation of the internal reforms, which failed to avert landlessness, tenure insecurity, low productivity and land degradation as promised. In the end, the shift of government policy towards a fast-track land redistribution programme in 2000 diverted the attention of the land-hungry towards invading former white-owned lands, just as project officials were redeployed to the new land redistribution programme. The broader effects of the counter-narrative, however, partly fuelled demands for land redistribution. In essence therefore, the book implicitly argues for a deeper understanding of Zimbabwe’s land question, and of the Fast Track Land Reform. It identifies a variety of social forces in rural areas that articulated demands for land redistribution, including the local chiefs, spirit mediums, autochthons in overcrowded communal areas and landless migrants (strangers). In reality these forces buttressed the search by urban elites and other politically organized interests for a radical official land redistribution programme at that conjuncture. The study is thus a critical reminder of the complex processes which have led to the stalling and revival of redistributive land reforms in Zimbabwe since 1980. It highlights the failure of palliative policies, such as internal land reforms and rural development, to accommodate local priorities and repress popular demands for land redistribution. The evidence pinpoints the critical role played by non-state actors, including the traditional leaders and spirit mediums mobilized by locals, in rejecting internal land reforms and orchestrating land redistribution. The book also makes an important contribution to the study of spirit mediums in rural Zimbabwe by rejecting over-simplified renditions of their grand and self-contained influence on local communities and officialdom. It replaces this perspective with a nuanced treatment of their changing interactions with socially differentiated rural communities, which in turn influence the spirit mediums’ narratives. Moreover, the spirit mediums were found to be willing to mediate the interests of ‘strangers’. The evidence shows how spirit mediums and chiefs frequently pursued the demands of their adherents, and how the Mhondoro cult had become an important platform for debates on development and various social and political issues, as opposed to operating autonomously. Thus, spirit mediums cannot be situated narrowly within the traditions of autochthons, nor only within a vision of the past, given that they mediate the interests of various residents, do not reject ‘modern development’, and look towards the future. The author provides critical insights into why local communities resist development projects, including internal land reforms, and in so doing provides important clues to understanding demands for redistributive land reforms in Zimbabwe.
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