“冲突后”中“后”的挑战、辩论和反思Côte科特迪瓦:介绍

S. Straus
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引用次数: 8

摘要

战后如何重建国家?如何恢复人们对被暴力冲突削弱的国家机构的信心?在经历了十多年的政治危机和暴力之后,你如何修复严重分裂的社会关系?在政治给平民带来如此多的痛苦和苦难之后,你如何帮助公民获得对政治的信心?如何解决引发战争的冲突根源?你如何在脆弱和不稳定的时期创造稳定?暴力和暴行的记忆如何影响政治和社会福祉?这些是每个国家在经历了一段时间的武装冲突和暴力之后所面临的一些问题。近年来在撒哈拉以南非洲,这些问题特别存在于该大陆每一个分区域的许多国家。在南部非洲,莫桑比克、安哥拉、纳米比亚,甚至是种族隔离后的南非,都在努力应对这些挑战。在东非,埃塞俄比亚、厄立特里亚、乌干达和南苏丹也是如此。至于中非,卢旺达、布隆迪、刚果民主共和国、刚果-布拉柴维尔、中非共和国和乍得都被迫与这些问题作斗争。最后,就西非而言,尼日尔、马里、尼日利亚、利比里亚和塞拉利昂都在战后寻求重建国家和社会。《加拿大非洲研究杂志》这个特别专题部分的论文集论述了Côte科特迪瓦的情况。与撒哈拉以南非洲其他冲突后国家一样,阿拉萨内•瓦塔拉总统在2011年4月就任总统时继承了大量的挑战。瓦塔拉总统面临的主要问题是合法性问题,这是战后政府,尤其是那些通过军事手段掌权的政府所面临的普遍问题。十多年来,瓦塔拉总统一直与他的前任巴博(Laurent Gbagbo)陷入激烈的政治斗争。2000年,当总统巴博在一次有缺陷的选举中上台(瓦塔拉被禁止参选),这场斗争愈演愈烈。2002年内战爆发后,局势变得更加紧张。最后,这项决议——我将再次提到这个词——是在2010年的选举之后提出的,瓦塔拉赢得了选举,但巴博拒绝接受选举结果。这导致了2011年选举后的暴力危机,巴博部队最初镇压了亲瓦塔拉的支持者,最终促使以北部为基地的叛乱分子向阿比让推进,并更名为科特迪瓦反政府武装(科特迪瓦反政府武装)。在联合国(UN)和法国的帮助下,叛乱分子推翻了巴博,将权力移交给瓦塔拉。这篇简短的总结显示了瓦塔拉在被赋予管理国家的权力时所面临的政治形势的令人担忧和复杂的本质。在
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Challenges, debates, and reflections on the “post” in “post-conflict” Côte d'Ivoire: an introduction
How do you rebuild states after war? How do you restore confidence in state institutions weakened by violent conflict? How do you repair deeply divided social relations after more than a decade of political crisis and violence? How do you help citizens gain faith in politics after politics has brought so much pain and suffering to the civilian population? How do you address the underlying causes of conflict that drove war in the first place? How do you create stability from a period of fragility and instability? How do memories of violence and atrocity influence politics and social well-being? These are some of the questions that every country faces after a period of armed conflict and violence. In recent years in sub-Saharan Africa, these questions have been especially present in numerous countries in every sub-region of the continent. In Southern Africa, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, and even post-apartheid South Africa wrestled with these challenges. In East Africa, the same can be said of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Uganda, and South Sudan. As for Central Africa, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo-Brazzaville, the Central African Republic, and Chad have all been forced to grapple with these questions. Finally, in the case of West Africa, Niger, Mali, Nigeria, Liberia, and Sierra Leone have all sought to rebuild their states and societies after war. The collection of papers in this special thematic section of the Canadian Journal of African Studies addresses the case of Côte d’Ivoire. As with the other post-conflict states across sub-Saharan Africa, President Alassane Ouattara inherited a plethora of challenges when he assumed the presidency in April 2011. Chief among the issues that confronted President Ouattara was the question of legitimacy, a situation common for postwar governments, especially those that came to power through military means. For more than a decade, President Ouattara was locked in a bruising political fight with his predecessor, Laurent Gbagbo. That fight intensified in 2000 when President Gbagbo came to power in a flawed election (in which Ouattara was barred from running). The situation became even more tense after the civil war started in 2002. In the end, the resolution – a word to which I shall return – came after an election in 2010 that Ouattara won but the results of which Gbagbo refused to accept. This led to a violent post-electoral crisis in 2011 in which proGbagbo forces initially repressed pro-Ouattara supporters, ultimately prompting the northern-based rebels, renamed the Forces républicaines de Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI), to advance on Abidjan. With the assistance of the United Nations (UN) and the French, the insurgents unseated Gbagbo and ceded power to Ouattara. This brief summary shows the fraught and complicated nature of the political terrain that confronted Ouattara when he was invested with the authority to run the state. On the
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