对股票期权征税:效率、公平和收入影响

J. Mintz, Ven Balaji Venkatachalam
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引用次数: 0

摘要

联邦自由党和新民主党在这一点上是正确的:对企业作为薪酬授予的股票期权征税,有一种比联邦政府目前采取的方法更明智的方法。但两党对于当前税收政策的适当调整将为国库增加多少收入的看法都是错误的。两党都声称,通过改变股票期权的税收,他们将增加5亿美元或更多的联邦税收,但实际情况远非如此,适当的改革实际上不会增加税收。这实际上可能导致税收收入略微下降。目前的情况是,在向员工或董事征税时,股票期权与工资和其他形式的现金报酬的待遇不同,因为它们只需要缴纳一半的税,类似于资本利得税。另外,由于不能从企业所得税中扣除期权,因此与给予期权的公司的现金补偿待遇也有所不同。联邦新民主党和自由党都接受了越来越多的批评,这些批评在2008年金融危机之后才愈演愈烈,即对那些获得股票期权的员工来说,较低的税率是一种不公平的税收减免。两党都提议改变这一规定,只对初创公司免税,新民主党提议对除初创公司外的所有股票期权征收全额个人税,自由党提议对基于期权的薪酬超过10万美元征收个人税。将股票期权与现金薪酬同等对待,确实会更省税,减少扭曲效应,这种扭曲效应可能会影响公司薪酬方案,使其更多地重视股票期权,而不是现金薪酬。但确保效率的唯一方法是,以与其他雇员薪酬相同的方式,同时对待福利的个人税方面和公司税方面。也就是说,对受领人征收全额税收意味着也允许对雇主进行同样的扣除,以允许其他形式的补偿。只改变个人方面只是用另一种形式的扭曲取代了一种,并且使期权成为一种比其他形式更昂贵的补偿形式,从而阻止雇主授予期权。新民主党预测,对股票期权征收全部个人税的提议每年将筹集5亿美元,从而在未来四年中征收20亿美元的税收。自由党还预测,他们类似的提案实际上会筹集更多资金:每年约5.6亿美元。但这两项提议都没有承认对企业进行必要的对称调整——股票期权福利的抵税性。如果我们使用近年来反映加拿大最大的100家上市公司授予的期权的数据来估计股票期权全面征税对联邦和省级收入的影响,预测到2015年,我们发现税收收入实际上是11.68亿美元。但由于允许公司对股票期权福利进行税收减免,税收损失达到13.18亿美元。在对投资者收到的股息的个人所得税和企业税节省的收益进行调整后,联邦和省政府的净损失为1200万美元。新民主党和自由党提出了一种更有效的股票期权征税方式,这是一个好主意。无论谁赢得选举,这都是正确的做法。但是,如果不包括对雇主的扣减,就不可能公平或成功地做到这一点。一旦考虑到这一点,尽管他们的提议可能是明智的,但两党都不应该指望通过实施这一变革来获得任何额外的支出。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Taxing Stock Options: Efficiency, Fairness and Revenue Implications
The federal Liberals and the NDP are right about this much: There is a more sensible way to tax the stock options that are granted as compensation by corporations than the approach the federal government takes now. But both parties are wrong about how much revenue an appropriate change in current tax policy will add to the treasury. Far from the half-billion dollars or more that both parties claim they will raise in federal tax revenue by changing the taxation of stock options, the appropriate reform will virtually raise no revenue. It could actually result in marginally lower tax revenue. As it stands, stock options are treated differently than salary and other forms of cash compensation when it comes to taxing an employee or director, in that they are subject to only half taxation, similar to capital gains. They are also treated differently than cash compensation for the corporation granting the options, in that they cannot be deducted from corporate income tax. The federal NDP and Liberals have both accepted the growing criticism, which only intensified in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, that the lower tax rate is an unfair tax break for those employees who receive stock options. Both parties have proposed to change that, leaving an exemption for startup companies only, with the NDP proposing full personal taxation for all stock options except for start-up companies and the Liberals proposing it for options-based compensation exceeding $100,000. Treating stock options the same as cash compensation would indeed be more tax efficient, reducing the distortionary effect that can influence company compensation packages to give more weight to stock options and less to cash than they might otherwise. But the only way to ensure that efficiency is by treating both the personal tax side of the benefit, and the corporate tax side of the benefit, in the same way as other employee compensation. That is, applying full taxation to the recipient means also allowing the same deduction to an employer allowed for other forms of compensation. Changing only the personal side merely replaces one type of distortion with another, and discourage employers from granting options, by making it a more expensive form of compensation compared to any other. The NDP predicts that its proposal to impose full personal taxation on stock options will raise annually $500 million leading to a tax revenue collection of $ 2 billion in the next four years. The Liberals also predict that their similar proposal will actually raise more: approximately $560 million annually. But neither proposal acknowledges the necessary symmetrical adjustment for corporations — the tax deductibility of stock-option benefits. If we estimate the federal and provincial revenue effect from the full taxation of stock options using data from recent years reflecting the options granted by the largest 100 public corporations in Canada, projected forward to 2015, we find that the tax revenue gain is actually $1.168 billion. But the tax revenue loss, by allowing corporate tax deductions for stock-option benefits, is $1.318 billion. After one more adjustment for the gain from the personal tax on corporate tax saving on the dividend received by the investor, the net effect for federal and provincial governments is a slight net loss of $12 million. The NDP and the Liberals are onto a good idea in proposing a more efficient way to tax stock options. Regardless of who wins the election, it is the right approach. But it cannot be done fairly, or successfully, without also including a deduction for the employer. And once that is accounted for, as sensible as their proposals may be, neither party should expect any extra spending money to come from implementing this change.
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