第三国在脱欧安排下与英国谈判双边协议的能力

M. Vlajković, Jelisaveta Tasev
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摘要

考虑到这是第一次一个成员国根据第50条TEU决定退出欧盟,这一过程的许多方面吸引了研究欧盟相关问题的学者的注意。无论正在进行的政治辩论的结果和最终将采取的行动,在欧洲法院对怀特曼案的裁决之后,我们认为有必要进一步探讨第50条的范围及其对一些利益相关者的影响,这是不言而喻的。在本文中,我们将讨论非欧盟国家与英国(即退出欧盟的国家)谈判和缔结双边协议的能力。分析的基础是根据《大不列颠及北爱尔兰联合王国退出欧盟和欧洲原子能共同体协定草案》提出的框架,以及在此背景下对“真诚合作原则”和“联盟利益”等术语的可能解释和理解,以及包括《维也纳条约法公约》条款在内的国际法原则和联盟法的一般原则。主要关注的是缺乏更彻底的方法对非欧盟国家,特别是对渴望加入欧盟的第三国造成的法律不确定性。考虑到他们不参与脱欧谈判,对他们来说,既要参与与英国的双边谈判,同时又要确保他们继续走欧盟的道路,这是一个挑战。我们支持该协议,认为它是应对未来英国退出的一种普遍接受的方法,不仅是为了为未来适用第50条建立参考,也是为了为那些表面上不受英国退出影响的各方提供法律确定性,但它们确实必须按照所有没有发言权的交易行事。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
THE CAPACITY OF THIRD COUNTRIES TO NEGOTIATE BILATERAL AGREEMENTS WITH THE UK UNDER WITHDRAWAL ARRANGEMENTS
Having in mind that this is the first time that a Member State decided to withdraw from the EU pursuant to Article 50 TEU there are many aspects of this process that attract the attention of scholars studying EU related issues. Regardless of the outcome of the ongoing political debate and the course of action that will be taken eventually, after the CJEU decision in Wightman, we deem the need to further explore the extent of Article 50 and its implications on a number of stakeholders self- evident. In this paper we will deal with the capacity of non-EU countries to negotiate and conclude bilateral agreements with the UK i.e. a country withdrawing from the EU. The analysis is based on the proposed framework under the Draft Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the EU and the Euratom and the possible interpretation and understanding of terms “the principle of sincere cooperation” and “the Union’s interest” in this context, the principles of international law including the provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and the general principles of Union law. The primary focus is on the legal uncertainty the lack of a more thorough approach creates to non- EU countries, especially to third countries aspiring to join the EU. Considering that they do not participate in the withdrawal negotiations, it is a challenge for them to take part in prospect bilateral negotiations with the UK, while, at the same time, making sure they stay on their EU path. We argue in favor of the deal, as a universally accepted approach in case of future withdrawals, not only for the purpose of establishing a reference for any future application of Article 50, but also for providing legal certainty to those parties that are not prima facie affected by the withdrawal, but that do have to act in accordance with all deals made without the right to be heard.
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