我们为什么游行:不满、威胁和运动组织资源在2017年女性游行中的作用

Rachel G. McKane, Holly J. McCammon
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引用次数: 15

摘要

我们使用都市统计区域级别的数据来调查2017年妇女游行的出现和规模。我们的研究结果表明,抗议活动可以通过特朗普当选后感受到的不满和威胁以及运动组织资源来理解。虽然运动资源的影响如预期的那样(资源越多,msa抗议越多),但不满和威胁的影响是复杂的。对非裔美国人和西班牙裔社区游行的警告对黑人和拉丁裔人口较多的msa的抗议活动产生了负面影响。此外,加剧的不满/威胁通常不会增加妇女游行的发生,但一些不满/威胁,特别是女权主义者和投票给克林顿的人,增加了抗议活动的规模。我们也没有发现不满情绪和运动资源之间有显著的相互作用。我们的研究结果表明,由于选举后的不满/威胁被强烈感受到,抗议者不需要运动组织领导人来帮助他们定义他们的不满。他们只需要运动团体提供抗议场所,也就是说,一组协调的姐妹游行。我们的结论是,研究人员应该考虑不满和威胁的类型,以及不满/威胁和组织资源如何相互作用以促进抗议。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
WHY WE MARCH: THE ROLE OF GRIEVANCES, THREATS, AND MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES IN THE 2017 WOMEN'S MARCHES
We use Metropolitan Statistical Area-level data to investigate the emergence and size of the 2017 Women's Marches. Our findings indicate that the protests can be understood through both grievances and threats felt in the aftermath of Trump's election and movement organizational resources. While the impact of movement resources is as expected (more protest in MSAs with greater resources), the effect of grievances and threats is complex. Cautions concerning the marches in both African American and Hispanic communities result in negative influences on protest in MSAs with larger black and Latino populations. Also, heightened grievances/threats generally do not increase the occurrence of the Women's Marches, but some grievances/threats, specifically among feminists and those voting for Clinton, increase the size of protests. We also do not find significant interactions between grievances and movement resources. Our findings suggest that because post-election grievances/threats were strongly felt, protesters did not need movement organizational leaders to help them define their grievance. They simply needed movement groups to provide venues for protest, that is, a coordinated set of sister marches. We conclude that researchers should consider both the type of grievances and threats and how grievances/threats and organizational resources work alongside one another to promote protest.
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