导读:意大利在国际舞台上:在欧盟和美国之间?

M. Carbone
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引用次数: 1

摘要

意大利在国际舞台上的作用在学术和公开辩论中受到越来越多的关注。这种最近的兴趣是冷战结束给中等大国带来的新机遇的结果,但它也源于其国内政治制度的根本变革。在意大利共和国成立的头40年里,意大利在外交政策上一直保持低调。西欧最强大的共产主义政党意大利共产党(Partito Comunista Italiano,简称PCI)的存在迫使执政党基督教民主党(democratic Cristiana,简称DC)及其盟友将意大利与外部环境“隔离”开来。其外交政策的两大支柱——大西洋主义和欧洲主义——很少受到质疑。大西洋主义意味着与美国的被动和不加批判的关系,而欧洲主义则意味着对欧盟(EU)建设的强烈和口头承诺。20世纪70年代出现的不完美的两党外交政策,当时被排除在任何政府联盟之外的pci接受了“西方选择”,尽管它在地中海产生了一些独立的行动,但并没有显著影响大西洋-欧洲主义的平衡。自冷战结束以来,意大利在国际舞台上变得更加活跃,特别是参加了一些军事和人道主义任务,在某些情况下甚至发挥了领导作用(例如索马里、阿尔巴尼亚、科索沃、阿富汗、伊拉克、黎巴嫩)。在国内一级,1990年代初的特点是第一共和国的终结,其腐败的政党制度和准多数主义选举法的实行。自那以后,两个异质联盟轮流执政:1994年至1995年间的中右翼;1996年至2001年间的中左翼;2001年至2006年的中间偏右;2006年以来的中左翼。虽然这是文献中争论的一个问题——本卷中所有的论文都涉及这个问题——但两个联盟似乎对意大利在国际舞台上的角色持有不同的看法,尤其是在大西洋主义和欧洲主义之间的平衡问题上。中右翼联合政府提倡一种基于与美国特殊双边关系的更务实的方法。中左翼联盟支持多边途径,这反映在对欧盟及其在世界舞台上的角色的重新承诺上。由于这些差异,连续性和非连续性成为公开辩论的中心问题,但有时也会影响到与其他国家的关系。本期《南欧和巴尔干杂志》特刊揭示了自20世纪90年代初以来,“政策钟摆”在大西洋主义和欧洲主义之间摇摆的程度,以及这种运动在多大程度上受到特定执政联盟的影响。Elisabetta brigi认为有两点
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Introduction: Italy in the international arena: between the EU and the US?
The role of Italy in the international arena has received increasing attention in academic and public debates. This recent interest is a consequence of the new opportunities for middle powers arising from the end of the cold war, but it also results from the radical transformations in its domestic political system. During the first 40 years of its Republican history, Italy kept a low profile in foreign policy. The presence of the strongest communist party in Western Europe, the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), obliged the ruling party, Democrazia Cristiana (DC), and its allies to ‘insulate’ Italy from the external environment. The twin pillars of its foreign policy—Atlanticism and Europeanism—were rarely questioned. Atlanticism implied a passive and uncritical relationship with the USA, whereas Europeanism entailed a strong as well as a rhetorical commitment to the construction of the European Union (EU). The imperfect bipartisan foreign policy that emerged in the 1970s when the PCI—which however was excluded from any governmental coalition—accepted the ‘Western option’ did not significantly affect the Atlanticism–Europeanism equilibrium, though it produced some independent action in the Mediterranean. Since the end of the cold war, Italy has becomemore active in the international arena, not least by participating in a number of military and humanitarian missions, in some cases even with a leading role (e.g. Somalia, Albania, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon). At the domestic level, the early 1990s were characterized by the alleged end of the First Republic, its corrupt party system and the introduction of a quasi-majoritarian electoral law. Two heterogonous coalitions have alternated in power since: centre-right between 1994 and 1995; centre-left between 1996 and 2001; centre-right between 2001 and 2006; centre-left since 2006. While this is an issue of contention in the literature—and all the papers in this volume deal with it—the two coalitions seem to hold different views on the role of Italy in the international arena, particularly on the balance between Atlanticism and Europeanism. The centre-right coalition promotes a more pragmatic approach, based on a special bilateral relationship with the USA. The centre-left coalition supports a multilateral approach, which is reflected in a renewed commitment to the EU and its role on the world stage. As a result of these differences, continuity and discontinuity becomes a central issue in the public debates, but at times affects the relationship with other countries. This special issue of Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans sheds light on how much the ‘policy pendulum’ has swung between Atlanticism and Europeanism since the early 1990s and the extent to which that movement is affected by the particular coalition in power. Elisabetta Brighi argues that two
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