《温莎不快乐的妻子们:对同性婚姻中的女性征税

Lily Kahng
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引用次数: 3

摘要

在美国诉温莎案(United States v. Windsor)中,最高法院宣布《婚姻保护法》(Defense of Marriage Act)将婚姻定义为“一男一女之间”的行为无效,这预示着随后在奥贝格费尔诉霍奇斯案(Obergefell v. Hodges)中,最高法院承认了同性婚姻的宪法权利。温莎案为同性伴侣在联邦税法下被视为已婚扫清了道路,奥巴马政府迅速宣布,出于税收目的,它将承认同性婚姻。学者、政策制定者和活动人士称赞这些进展最终实现了同性和异性已婚夫妇之间的税收平等。本文认为,温莎所宣称的税收平等是虚幻的,实现真正平等的唯一途径是取消基于婚姻状况的税收。本文以同性婚姻中女性的税收为重点,探讨了同性婚姻伴侣与异性婚姻伴侣享有同等地位所带来的所谓平等收益背后的原因。根据人口统计和其他与收入水平、财富持有、子女抚养和就业模式有关的社会学和经济学研究,文章预测,同性婚姻中的女性比其他已婚人士更不可能从婚姻税中获益,而更有可能遭受婚姻税的损害。在分析为什么同性婚姻中的女性可能会因其已婚的新税收地位而遭受不利后果时,本文以先前的批评和女权主义税收文献为基础,展示了税法如何——尽管据称在对待已婚夫妇方面是中立的——赋予传统婚姻以男性是主要收入来源和财富持有者的特权,并对已婚女性成为工人、收入生产者和财富持有者的动机和能力产生不利影响。本文认为,税法通过将已婚夫妇虚构为不可分割的经济单位,继续奖励这种不合时宜的婚姻模式,并惩罚其他更平等的婚姻模式。该条建议通过取消共同纳税和其他改革来减少基于婚姻状况的税收。更广泛地说,该条款表明,税收是国家调节亲密关系的有力工具,它强调了对其他婚姻法进行仔细和批判性评估的必要性,因为它们将影响范围扩大到同性关系。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Not-So-Merry Wives of Windsor: The Taxation of Women in Same-Sex Marriages
In United States v. Windsor, the Supreme Court invalidated the Defense of Marriage Act definition of marriage as “between one man and one woman,” heralding its subsequent recognition, in Obergefell v. Hodges, of a constitutional right to same-sex marriage. Windsor cleared the way for same-sex couples to be treated as married under federal tax laws, and the Obama administration promptly announced that it would recognize same-sex marriages for tax purposes. Academics, policymakers, and activists lauded these developments as finally achieving tax equality between same- and different-sex married couples. This Article argues that the claimed tax equality of Windsor is illusory and that the only way to achieve actual equality is to eliminate taxation on the basis of marital status.Focusing on the taxation of women in same-sex marriages, the Article explores what lies beneath the putative equality gains that result from according same-sex married couples the same status as different-sex married couples. The Article predicts, based on demographic statistics and other sociological and economic research relating to income levels, wealth holdings, child rearing, and employment patterns, that women in same-sex marriages will be less likely than other married people to reap the benefits, and more likely to suffer the detriments, of marriage taxation. In analyzing why women in same-sex marriages are likely to suffer adverse consequences from their new tax status as married, the Article builds on prior critical and feminist tax literature showing how the tax law — though purportedly neutral in its treatment of married couples — privileges traditional marriages in which men are the primary income earners and wealth holders, and adversely affects married women’s incentives and abilities to be workers, income producers, and wealth holders. The Article argues that the tax law, through the fictitious construction of the married couple as an irreducible economic unit, continues to reward this anachronistic model of marriage and to penalize other, more egalitarian models of marriage. The Article proposes that taxation on the basis of marital status be curtailed through the abolition of the joint return and through other reforms. More broadly, the Article demonstrates how taxation is a powerful tool by which the state regulates intimate relationships, and it highlights the need for a careful and critical evaluation of other marriage laws as they extend their reach to same-sex relationships.
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