齐格蒙特·鲍曼的道德与政治承诺

Marita Rampazi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

随着齐格蒙特·鲍曼(Zygmunt Bauman, 1925 - 2017)的去世,当代文化失去了一种批判性的声音,这种声音能够将对我们时代主要戏剧的分析与对人类解放计划的持续公民和政治紧张关系结合起来。鲍曼是一个典型的有献身精神的知识分子,他相信社会科学的作用是为人类提供必要的知识,以了解他们所处的环境,从而扩大他们的行动自由。知识精英的历史任务是站队,谴责统治机制、排斥的制造者、不平等、“浪费生命”(2004)运作中往往难以察觉的方式。本着这一信念,他始终试图为受害者发声,表明有一种办法可以取代目前的罪恶,而这种办法只能在公共领域通过政治行动来建立。毫无疑问,鲍曼深受亲身经历过的最残酷形式的极权主义——纳粹主义和斯大林主义——、反犹主义带来的排斥机制和战争的恐怖的影响。他出生于波兹南(Poznan), 1939年随家人离开波兰,逃离反犹太大屠杀,在俄罗斯寻求庇护。18岁时,他加入了共产党,加入了红军的波兰志愿军旅,参加了科洛布热格和柏林战役。战争结束后,他回到华沙,在那里开始了社会学的大学学习,并在那里担任讲师直到1968年。随着他回到波兰,他对官方马克思列宁主义的批评日趋成熟;他与之决裂,在20世纪50年代末开始研究波兰“人道主义马克思主义”的反斯大林主义和反教条主义成分。由于他与葛兰西思想的接触,他与马克思主义的关系进一步发展。正如鲍曼自己在2003年4月5日接受《卫报》Madeleine Bunting采访时所指出的那样,“我发现了葛兰西,他给了我一个光荣退出马克思主义的机会。这是正统马克思主义的一条出路,但我从未像大多数人那样成为反马克思主义者。我从卡尔·马克思那里学到了很多,我很感激。”1968年,波兰新一波的反犹太主义浪潮促使他和家人移民到以色列。他在特拉维夫大学任教,直到1971年,他接受了利兹大学的教授职位,在那里他永久定居下来,并在那里形成了他在20世纪80年代的后马克思主义演变。这一时期的著作集中于阶级社会的终结和现实社会主义在实现人类解放计划中的失败,这并非巧合。鲍曼开始考虑他那个时代的罪恶,与其说是资本主义制度的结果,不如说是现代理性引导人们追求的秩序、确定性和可预测性的副产品,把国家变成了社会工程的有力工具。民族国家的建立与现代性的“坚实”阶段不期而遇,这保证了公民的权利和保护,但与此同时,也允许自由的自由
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Zygmunt Bauman’s Moral and Political Commitment
With the death of Zygmunt Bauman (19252017), contemporary culture loses a critical voice, which has been able to combine the analysis of the main dramas of our time with a constant civil and political tension towards a project of human emancipation. Bauman is an exemplary committed-intellectual figure, convinced that the role of social sciences is to provide human beings with the knowledge necessary to understand the situation in which they live in and be thus in the position to expand their freedom of action. The historical task of intellectual elites is to take sides, denouncing the often imperceptible ways in which domination mechanisms, generators of exclusion, inequalities, “wasted lives”(2004), operate. Consistently with this conviction, he has always tried to give voice to the victims, demonstrating that there is an alternative to the evils of the present and that this alternative can only be built in the public sphere, with political action. There is no doubt that Bauman was strongly influenced by having experienced himself totalitarianism in its most brutal forms – Nazism and Stalinism –, the mechanisms of exclusion brought by anti-Semitism, and the horrors of war. Born in Poznan, he left Poland with his family in 1939 to escape the anti-Semitic Pogroms, seeking shelter in Russia. At the age of 18, he joined the Communist Party and joined the Polish Volunteers Brigade of the Red Army, taking part in the battles of Kolobrzeg and Berlin. After the war, he returned to Warsaw, where he started university studies of sociology and where he remained as a lecturer until 1968. With his return to Poland, his criticism of the official Marxism-Leninism matures; he breaks away from it, and approaches, in the late 1950s, the anti-Stalinist and anti-dogmatic component of the Polish“ humanist Marxism”. His relationship with Marxism evolves further, thanks to his encounter with Gramsci’s thought. As noted by Bauman himself, in an interview with Madeleine Bunting on the Guardian (April 5, 2003), “I discovered Gramsci and he gave me the opportunity of an honorable discharge from Marxism. It was a way out of orthodox Marxism, but I never became anti-Marxist as most did. I learned a lot from Karl Marx and I’m grateful”. In 1968, a new wave of anti-Semitism in Poland led him to emigrate with his family to Israel. He teaches at the University of Tel Aviv until 1971, when he accepts a chair at the University of Leeds, where he settles permanently and where his post-Marxist evolution of the 1980s takes shape. It is no coincidence that the writings of that period are focused on the end of class society and the failure of real socialism in the realization of the project of human emancipation. Bauman begins to consider the evils of his time, not so much as the result of the capitalist system, but as a by-product of the search for order, certainty, predictability, that modern rationality induces men to pursue, transforming the state into a powerful tool of social engineering. The establishment of the nation-state coincides with the “solid” phase of modernity, that assures citizens rights and protection, but at the same time allows the
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