叛军代码?在南欧独裁政权的垮台中,“武装斗争”的跨国想象

Kostis Kornetis
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引用次数: 2

摘要

本文关注的是20世纪70年代中期南欧独裁政权垮台期间及其后的极左武装组织。它探讨了西班牙、葡萄牙和希腊不同背景的革命恐怖组织之间的跨国联系,研究了政治暴力及其语义跨越国界和超越国家特征和特殊性的方式。文章探讨了上述组织中所谓政治犯的团结运动,以及某些关键文本的跨国影响,例如“Ogro”,这是1973年埃塔暗杀佛朗哥的左膀右膀Carrero Blanco的臭名昭著的记录。通过观察后者的翻译在希腊和葡萄牙是如何被接受的,文章追溯了跨国流通的要素,提出了革命知识传播空间如何运作的观点。通过关注参与革命暴力的团体的同情者和激进分子及其看法,本文试图强调三国之间存在的假想和实际的跨国联系,以及偶尔缺乏的联系。虽然这表明缺乏直接的跨国沟通渠道,但文章认为,在20世纪70年代中期,在后威权主义时代的欧洲南部,属于极左派的年轻人把自己想象成同一轮廓的一部分。就实际空间而言,葡萄牙正在经历的非常革命的形势,将里斯本变成了一个非常具体的地点,既有想象中的革命潜力,也有实际的革命潜力,包括最终越过边界进行破坏的西班牙激进分子。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Rebel code? The transnational imaginary of ‘armed struggle’ in the fall of Southern European dictatorships
ABSTRACT This article focuses on armed organizations of the extreme left during and after the fall of Southern European dictatorships in the mid-1970s. It explores the transnational connections between revolutionary terrorist organizations of diverse background in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, looking at the ways in which political violence and its semantics ‘travelled’ across borders and beyond national characteristics and specificities. The article explores solidarity campaigns for so-called political prisoners of said organizations and the transnational impact of certain key texts, such as ‘Ogro’, the infamous record of the assassination of Franco’s right-hand man Carrero Blanco by ETA in 1973. Looking at how the latter’s translation was received in Greece and Portugal, the article traces elements of transnational circulation beyond borders, making a point about how the space of revolutionary knowledge dissemination operated. By focusing on both sympathizers and militants of groupings involved in revolutionary violence and their perceptions, the article attempts to highlight the existence of both imaginary and actual transnational links between the three countries, and the occasional lack thereof. While it demonstrates a lack of direct transnational channels of communication, the article argues that young people belonging to the far left across the post-authoritarian European South in the mid-1970s imagined themselves as parts of the same contour. In terms of actual spaces, the very revolutionary situation Portugal was going through, turned Lisbon into a very specific locus of both imaginary and actual revolutionary potential, including Spanish activists who finally crossed the border to militate.
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