疫苗犹豫

Vaccine Hesitancy, A. Blunden
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引用次数: 0

摘要

去年(2014年),澳大利亚的麻疹感染率达到了16年来的最高水平,主要原因是旅行者在海外感染麻疹,并在回国后将其传染给未接种疫苗的儿童。我们正处于可怕疾病的严重危险之中,这些疾病已经从澳大利亚消灭了,由于没有给孩子接种疫苗的父母迅速增加,这些疾病正在卷土重来。传统术语“疫苗犹豫”(VH)意味着对疫苗接种的犹豫,但有些人根本不犹豫,而是果断拒绝接种疫苗,有些人对特定疫苗而不是一般疫苗接种犹豫不决。然而,这个术语被认为是指这整个活动领域。既然基督教科学派证实他们对疫苗接种没有良心上的反对,那么现在就没有基于宗教理由的反对依据了。对宗教团体的宽容和法律保护是在世俗政府原则中牢固确立的。这种宽容隐含着宗教秩序遵守国家法律的相互义务。宗教法和世俗法之间产生的冲突历来都是通过谈判解决的,而持续的宽容依赖于过去的妥协。例子包括允许少数民族社区庆祝宗教节日,以及出于良心拒绝堕胎或参军的权利。在没有这种正式安排的情况下,世俗法律占上风,例如禁止切割生殖器官和所谓的荣誉杀人。在这种做法中,没有任何地方允许个人或团体在个人信念的基础上单方面宣布良心反对。这样的想法是对人类文明理念的嘲弄。然而,仍有一系列原因导致无法获得现有的疫苗接种计划,社区需要在每种情况下采取不同的应对措施。阿博特政府通过取消福利金来发出“价格信号”的政策,将对少数没有给孩子接种疫苗的人起作用,但会疏远和加强越来越多的拒绝接种者的抵制,对他们来说,法律惩罚只会证实他们的怀疑。社会经济地位和教育水平已被证明不能很好地预测疫苗犹豫,而通常的经验-人口统计和公共教育方法已被证明是无效的。决策者不知道该做些什么来提高疫苗接种率。Peretti-Watel等人(2015)使用乌尔里希·贝克(Ulrich Beck)和安东尼·吉登斯(Anthony Giddens)的“反身性现代性”、“风险社会”和“生命政治”的概念,从两个维度来描述疫苗犹豫领域,与吉登斯用他的“政治指南针”在政治领域描述“超越左翼和右翼”的方式平行。也就是说,就像政治观点不再可以被映射到一个轴上一样,人们不能被简单地视为或多或少不愿意接种疫苗。横轴衡量主题在多大程度上接受风险文化的现代趋势,其中世界充满了不可预测的危险来源,以及"健康主义",其中主题是积极负责管理自己健康的人。纵轴衡量的是受试者对整个专家文化体系和既定权力权威的信任倾向。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Vaccine Hesitancy
Last year (2014), the rate of measles infections reached a 16-year high in Australia, mainly due to travellers catching measles overseas and passing it on to unvaccinated children after coming home. We are in serious danger of horrible diseases which had been eliminated from Australia, making a comeback due to a rapid increase in parents failing to have their children vaccinated. The conventional term, ‘vaccine hesitancy’ (VH), implies hesitancy in relation to vaccination, but some people are not hesitant at all but decisive in refusing vaccination, and some are hesitant about a specific vaccine not vaccination in general. However, the term is accepted as indicating this entire field of activity. Since the Christian Scientists confirmed that they do not have a conscientious objection to vaccination, there is now no basis for objection on religious grounds. The tolerance and legal protection extended to religious orders is firmly established in the principles of secular government. Implicit in this tolerance is the reciprocal obligation on religious orders to conform to the law of the land. Conflicts which have arisen between religious and secular law have been resolved historically by negotiation, and continued tolerance relies on past compromises. Examples include the allowance for religious holidays celebrated by minority communities, and the right of conscientious objection to performing abortion or serving in the army. In the absence of such formal accommodation, the secular law prevails, forbidding genital mutilation and so-called honour killing, for example. Nowhere in this practice is there room for an individual or group to unilaterally declare a conscientious objection on the basis of personal conviction. Such an idea would make a mockery of the very idea of human civilisation. There remain however a range of reasons behind failure to access available vaccination programs, and different responses by the community are required in each case. The Abbott government’s policy to send a ‘price signal’ by withdrawing welfare payments will work for a minority of those who have not had their children vaccinated but will alienate and harden the resistance of an expanding section of refusers for whom a legal penalty would only confirm their scepticism. Socio-economic status and level of education have proved to be poor predictors of vaccine hesitancy and the usual empirical-demographic and public education approaches to public health challenges have proved ineffective. Policy makers do not know what to do to improve the uptake of vaccination. Peretti-Watel et al (2015) use the ideas of ‘reflexive modernity’, ‘risk society’ and ‘life politics’ from Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens to describe the field of vaccine hesitancy in terms of two dimensions, parallel to the way that Giddens described ‘beyond left and right’ in the political domain, with his ‘political compass’. That is, just as political opinion can longer be mapped on to a single axis, people cannot be seen as simply more or less reluctant to vaccinate. The horizontal axis measures the extent to which the subject has embraced the modern trends of risk culture in which the world is full of unpredictable sources of danger, and ‘healthism’ in which the subject is someone who takes active responsibility for managing their own health. The vertical axis measures the subject’s disposition to trust the entire system of expert culture and established power and authority, or not.
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