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引用次数: 0
摘要
这本书的政治和智力工作一直是由一个雄心壮志维持的,即提供女权主义者和LGBTI+活动家的多元化形象。受到女权主义和酷儿后殖民和后社会主义理论的重大干预的影响,并受到抵抗和空间批判地理学新发展的启发(Browne et al. 2017;Ghodsee 2019;罗伊2016;斯特拉2015;Suchland 2011;Tlostanova et al. 2019),这一雄心壮志塑造了我们这本书的出发点,因为我们试图对女权主义者和LGBTI+的形成和在不同空间和尺度上的交流进行细致入微的描述。在我们的努力中,我们的目标是推动对当前地缘政治和认识论项目中诸如北/西和南/东等类别的刚性和理所当然性的知识关注(m ller 2020;Tlostanova 2012)。我们努力将俄罗斯、土耳其甚至斯堪的纳维亚明确地置于这些区别之中,力求在本书中表明,这些类别的边界是有争议的、多重的、矛盾的和流动的。通过在同一项目中引入这种不方便的地缘政治背景,我们注定要“复杂化和破坏东西方的二元主义”(Tlostanova 2012, 131)
The political and intellectual work with this book has been sustained by an ambition to provide a pluralist image of feminist and LGBTI+ activisms. Influenced by significant interventions in feminist and queer postcolonial and postsocialist theory and inspired by new developments in critical geographies of resistance and space (Browne et al. 2017; Ghodsee 2019; Roy 2016; Stella 2015; Suchland 2011; Tlostanova et al. 2019), this ambition shaped our point of departure for the book as we have sought to develop a nuanced account of feminist and LGBTI+ formations and exchanges across diverse spaces and scales. In our endeavor we have aimed to push forward an intellectual concern about the rigidity and taken-for-grantedness of categories such as North/West and South/East in current geopolitical and epistemological projects (Müller 2020; Tlostanova 2012). Struggling ourselves to clearly position Russia, Turkey, and even Scandinavia within these distinctions, we have strived to show throughout the book that the boundaries of these categories are contested, multiple, ambivalent, and fluid. By introducing such inconvenient geopolitical contexts within the same project, we have been doomed to “complicate and disrupt the binarism” (Tlostanova 2012, 131) of the West–East and the North–South