外国人,婆罗门,诗人,还是什么?梵语“文艺复兴”时期的社会语言学

H. H. Hock
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摘要

在梵语的社会语言学史上,一个令人困惑的问题是,经过验证的文本最早出现在公元2世纪,而在此之前,只有五个世纪的印度文铭文。各种各样的假说试图解释这一事实。Senart(1886)提出梵语通过佛教徒和耆那教徒获得了更广泛的传播。弗兰克(1902)声称梵语在印度已经灭绝,是人为重新引入的。lsamvi(1902)主张外国统治者Kshatrapas篡夺梵语,这些统治者雇佣婆罗门担任行政职务。Pisani(1955)认为“梵语文艺复兴”是婆罗门试图对抗这些外国侵略者。奥斯特勒(2005)将梵语的胜利归功于其“有教养的、自觉的魅力”;他承认婆罗门和刹帝利先前使用梵语,这表明他不认为胜利是突然发生的。波洛克(1996,2006)重新提出了一种假设,即公元早期梵语的公开出现是一个突然事件。他认为梵语最初局限于“祭祀”语境;它从来就不是一种自然的口语,这从它无法交流童年经历就可以看出;碑文记录(虽然必须承认它很单薄)表明,部落首领们“以前所未有的方式使用梵语”,帮助创造了“一种新的政治文明,即‘梵语世界’”。他的论点中至关重要的一点是,kāvya文学是这个新文明的基本特征,而kāvya没有重要的先例。我认为波洛克的论点是有问题的。他忽略了梵语在史诗和寓言中持续的非宗教用途的证据。使用诸如tāta ' daddy ' /tata ' sonny '(也用作一般的亲昵术语)或ambha / ambikha ' mommy;母亲的故事证明了梵语传达童年经历的能力。Kāvya,波洛克的“梵语世界”的基础,在早期的梵语(和巴利语)中有先例。最重要的是,波洛克未能展示他强大的政治诗歌kāvya传统是如何从无到有的。为了创作他们的诗歌,诗人必须利用一种有生命的、有各种不同用途的口语,而这种语言必须在诗人之外的一个更大的语言社区中流行,无论这个社区是限于婆罗门(如通常所假设的)还是也包括刹帝利(如奥斯特勒所建议的)。最后,我考虑了东南亚“梵语化”的含义以及现代“印度英语”文学的可能平行。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Foreigners, Brahmins, Poets, or What? The Sociolinguistics of the Sanskrit “Renaissance”
A puzzle in the sociolinguistic history of Sanskrit is that texts with authenticated dates first appear in the 2nd century CE, after five centuries of exclusively Prakrit inscriptions. Various hypotheses have tried to account for this fact. Senart (1886) proposed that Sanskrit gained wider currency through Buddhists and Jains. Franke (1902) claimed that Sanskrit died out in India and was artificially reintroduced. Lévi (1902) argued for usurpation of Sanskrit by the Kshatrapas, foreign rulers who employed brahmins in administrative positions. Pisani (1955) instead viewed the “Sanskrit Renaissance” as the brahmins’ attempt to combat these foreign invaders. Ostler (2005) attributed the victory of Sanskrit to its ‘cultivated, self-conscious charm’; his acknowledgment of prior Sanskrit use by brahmins and kshatriyas suggests that he did not consider the victory a sudden event. The hypothesis that the early-CE public appearance of Sanskrit was a sudden event is revived by Pollock (1996, 2006). He argues that Sanskrit was originally confined to ‘sacerdotal’ contexts; that it never was a natural spoken language, as shown by its inability to communicate childhood experiences; and that ‘the epigraphic record (thin though admittedly it is) suggests … that [tribal chiefs] help[ed] create’ a new political civilization, the “Sanskrit Cosmopolis”, ‘by employing Sanskrit in a hitherto unprecedented way’. Crucial in his argument is the claim that kāvya literature was a foundational characteristic of this new civilization and that kāvya has no significant antecedents. I show that Pollock’s arguments are problematic. He ignores evidence for a continuous non-sacerdotal use of Sanskrit, as in the epics and fables. The employment of nursery words like tāta ‘daddy’/tata ‘sonny’ (also used as general terms of endearment), or ambā/ambikā ‘mommy; mother’ attest to Sanskrit’s ability to communicate childhood experiences. Kāvya, the foundation of Pollock’s “Sanskrit Cosmopolis”, has antecedents in earlier Sanskrit (and Pali). Most important, Pollock fails to show how his powerful political-poetic kāvya tradition could have arisen ex nihilo. To produce their poetry, the poets would have had to draw on a living, spoken language with all its different uses, and that language must have been current in a larger linguistic community beyond the poets, whether that community was restricted to brahmins (as commonly assumed) or also included kshatriyas (as suggested by Ostler). I conclude by considering implications for the “Sanskritization” of Southeast Asia and the possible parallel of modern “Indian English” literature.
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