论世界和爱沙尼亚的文化占有:前言

M. Arukask
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Nevertheless, some kind of subjectivity on the part of the affected side is indispensable here – so as not to be merely the object of external patronage without any capacity or wish to change the situation itself. \nThe Estonian reader might be concerned with the question of whether and to what extent it is possible to speak of cultural appropriation in Estonian ethnography or cultural history. Does the position inherent in American folkloristics, where the question of colonial heritage and the study of “other” peoples is clearly at the forefront, resonate with the (Eastern) European, Herderian approach to heritage, which seems to have been unanimously “ours” all along? In order to answer this question, we should first discuss possible minority groups in Estonia. So far, the Estonian state has been reluctant to grant anyone the legal status of an indigenous people for fear of setting a precedent, also in order to prevent any complications that might arise in connection with this. \nNevertheless, some ethno-territorial groups in Estonia have at least expressed the wish to consider themselves as indigenous peoples separate from “ordinary Estonians”. In this context, we can also point to instances of cultural appropriation, where material or non-material heritage has been collected from a community and brought to community to museums, probably not always using the most transparent methods. The researcher-collector, as representative of the scientific community, is always in a position of power. Formal and symbolic authority plays a role, so it is possible to manipulate the local people. Similarly, the history of Finno-Ugric research expeditions is not free from selfish or arrogant attitudes towards local communities. \nIn Estonia, the widespread use of folk costumes throughout the 20th century is an obvious example of cultural appropriation. The members of hundreds of choirs or dance groups need not have had any meaningful relationship with, or interest in the folk costumes of the parishes that they had to wear during performances. A costume that has lost its personality, torn away from its roots, cheapens and devalues its originality and value, and possibly also its heritage community. \nAlongside the “colonising” attitude of the scientific communities and instances of appropriation born from poor knowledge, we can also speak of the attitude of more emancipated Estonians – distanced from their roots, towards rural life and its representatives, as well as folk culture in general. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

本卷《方言研究》的翻译文章是美国民俗学家杰森·贝尔德·杰克逊关于文化挪用的一篇论文。这是原文章的删节版,作者为我们的期刊进行了修改。文化占有(Cultural appropriation)是指两个(或多个)社会群体之间存在接触时,特别是当他们之间的权力平衡(经济、政治、象征等)不平等时,就会发生的一种现象。处于权力地位的群体占有(接管,本质上是掠夺)他人的文化现象——精神的和物质的——并滥用它们。正如可以预料的那样,文化占有最明显的情况发生在具有长期殖民传统的国家和地区,更确切地说,发生在后来彻底认识到这个问题并给予受害群体发言权的国家和地区,受害群体往往是被压迫的土著人民,但也包括其他(种族)文化少数群体。意识到文化挪用总是以少数群体的某种觉醒意识为前提,并且有能力在自己的小圈子之外沟通这个问题。文化挪用也可以从外部得到认可,作为主导群体的一个伦理问题。然而,受影响一方的某种主观性在这里是不可缺少的- -以免仅仅成为外部庇护的对象,而没有任何能力或希望改变局势本身。爱沙尼亚读者可能关心的问题是,在爱沙尼亚民族志或文化史中,是否以及在多大程度上可以谈论文化挪用。在美国民俗学中,殖民遗产的问题和对“他者”民族的研究显然处于最前沿,这种固有的立场是否与(东欧)赫尔德式的遗产研究方法产生共鸣,这种方法似乎一直都是一致的“我们的”?为了回答这个问题,我们应该首先讨论爱沙尼亚可能存在的少数群体。到目前为止,爱沙尼亚国家一直不愿意给予任何人土著人民的法律地位,因为害怕开创一个先例,也是为了防止可能与此有关的任何复杂情况。然而,爱沙尼亚境内的一些民族-领土集团至少表示希望将自己视为与“普通爱沙尼亚人”分开的土著人民。在这种情况下,我们还可以指出文化挪用的例子,即从一个社区收集物质或非物质遗产并带到社区博物馆,可能并不总是使用最透明的方法。研究收集者作为科学界的代表,始终处于权力地位。正式和象征性的权威起着作用,因此有可能操纵当地人民。同样,芬兰-乌戈尔考察的历史也没有摆脱对当地社区的自私或傲慢态度。在爱沙尼亚,整个20世纪对民间服饰的广泛使用是文化挪用的一个明显例子。数百个唱诗班或舞蹈团的成员不必与教区的民间服装有任何有意义的关系,也不必对他们在表演时必须穿的民间服装感兴趣。一件服装失去了个性,脱离了根源,贬低了它的原创性和价值,可能也贬低了它的遗产群体。除了科学界的“殖民”态度和由于知识贫乏而产生的挪用现象外,我们还可以谈谈获得更多解放的爱沙尼亚人的态度——远离他们的根源,远离农村生活及其代表,以及一般的民间文化。在这种情况下,当进步的公民由于这样或那样的原因厌倦了城市生活,搬到农村地区开始新的生活时,该怎么办?他们可能对当地社区和文化感到同情,甚至感兴趣,但他们的价值体系、生活方式、习惯和设想往往与当地“本地人”不一致。问题来了:在什么情况下,对当地遗产的善意开发和营销会越过干扰真正的当地人的界限?关键词:文化挪用,土著人,爱沙尼亚的自我殖民化
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Kultuurilisest omastamisest maailmas ja meil: saateks / On cultural appropriation in the world and in Estonia: a preface
The translation article of this volume of Studia Vernacula is an essay on cultural appropriation by the American folklorist Jason Baird Jackson. This is an abridged version of the original article, which the author has reworked for our journal. Cultural appropriation is a phenomenon that can occur whenever there is contact between two (or more) social groups, especially when the balance of power (economic, political, symbolic, etc.) between them is not equal. The group in a position of power appropriates (takes over, essentially robs) the cultural phenomena – both spiritual and material – of the other and misuses them. As might be expected, the most obvious cases of cultural appropriation occur in countries and regions with a long colonial heritage, more precisely, in those where the problem has later been thoroughly acknowledged and a voice given to the aggrieved group, often the oppressed indigenous people, but also other (ethno-)cultural minorities. Awareness of cultural appropriation always presupposes some kind of awakened consciousness on the part of the minority group, and the ability to communicate the problem beyond its own inner circle. Cultural appropriation can also be recognised from the outside, as an ethical problem among the dominant group. Nevertheless, some kind of subjectivity on the part of the affected side is indispensable here – so as not to be merely the object of external patronage without any capacity or wish to change the situation itself. The Estonian reader might be concerned with the question of whether and to what extent it is possible to speak of cultural appropriation in Estonian ethnography or cultural history. Does the position inherent in American folkloristics, where the question of colonial heritage and the study of “other” peoples is clearly at the forefront, resonate with the (Eastern) European, Herderian approach to heritage, which seems to have been unanimously “ours” all along? In order to answer this question, we should first discuss possible minority groups in Estonia. So far, the Estonian state has been reluctant to grant anyone the legal status of an indigenous people for fear of setting a precedent, also in order to prevent any complications that might arise in connection with this. Nevertheless, some ethno-territorial groups in Estonia have at least expressed the wish to consider themselves as indigenous peoples separate from “ordinary Estonians”. In this context, we can also point to instances of cultural appropriation, where material or non-material heritage has been collected from a community and brought to community to museums, probably not always using the most transparent methods. The researcher-collector, as representative of the scientific community, is always in a position of power. Formal and symbolic authority plays a role, so it is possible to manipulate the local people. Similarly, the history of Finno-Ugric research expeditions is not free from selfish or arrogant attitudes towards local communities. In Estonia, the widespread use of folk costumes throughout the 20th century is an obvious example of cultural appropriation. The members of hundreds of choirs or dance groups need not have had any meaningful relationship with, or interest in the folk costumes of the parishes that they had to wear during performances. A costume that has lost its personality, torn away from its roots, cheapens and devalues its originality and value, and possibly also its heritage community. Alongside the “colonising” attitude of the scientific communities and instances of appropriation born from poor knowledge, we can also speak of the attitude of more emancipated Estonians – distanced from their roots, towards rural life and its representatives, as well as folk culture in general. What to do in these cases, when progressive citizens, tired of city life for one reason or another, are moving to rural places to build a new life? They may feel sympathy for, and even interest in the local community and culture, but their value systems, lifestyle, habits and envisioning often do not coincide with those of the local “natives”. The question arises: at what point does the bona fide exploitation and marketing of local heritage cross the boundary of being disturbing to genuine local people? Keywords: cultural appropriation, indigenous peoples, self-colonisation in Estonia
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