的A.L.I.提出的“限制报复主义”分配原则:它在实践中意味着除了纯粹的沙漠之外的任何东西吗?

P. Robinson
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引用次数: 6

摘要

罗宾逊支持《新美国法律研究所量刑改革报告》中提出的目的文本,但他认为,在实践中,这并不意味着传统功利主义者,比如那些支持限制报复主义的人,所期望的那样。首先,拟议案文只允许在非沙漠分配原则有助于其既定目标的范围内使用这些原则。正如ALI报告所承认的那样,人们期望从康复中获得的效果是有限的,而且,正如现在从社会科学研究中越来越明显的那样,我们对威慑效果的现实期望也同样在减弱。的确,丧失行为能力无疑有助于预防未来的犯罪,而且越来越多的证据表明,恢复性过程可以有效地实现其目标,但遵循这些分配原则可能会产生预防犯罪的成本(案文提议的分配原则似乎不允许考虑到这一点)。例如,最重要的是,对这些原则的依赖可能会削弱刑法的道德信誉,从而削弱其通过利用社会规范来获得遵守的能力。第二,对所列举的非沙漠用途影响的最大限制是拟议的原则要求,即任何分配都不能与沙漠的需求相冲突。与最初主张限制报复主义的人的假设相反,沙漠只提供了模糊的惩罚外部限制,沙漠有相当具体的要求,在很大程度上是由顺序排序的需求驱动的:一个更应该受到谴责的案件比一个相对更不应该受到谴责的案件受到更大的惩罚。考虑到一个自由民主国家应该愿意施加的惩罚范围有限,区分不同的应受谴责的案件意味着,在惩罚连续体中,应得的惩罚将落在一个狭窄的范围内(这一结果与社会科学家最近所了解的关于非专业人士所共有的相当复杂的正义直觉一致)。最后,罗宾逊对那些反对沙漠分配的人做了简短的评论,他认为反对沙漠分配的人有两种:一种是对沙漠的含义有错误理解的人,另一种是认为避免犯罪比伸张正义更重要的人。对于第一组人,他简单地勾勒出了构成现代沙漠概念的当前共识观点。对于第二种人,他认为,一旦人们考虑到非沙漠分布的犯罪成因效应,当社会开始理解刑事司法系统实际上并不是在执行正义时,沙漠分布很可能是避免未来犯罪的最有效的方式。无论如何,他认为,在缺乏足够的数据来可靠地回答“哪种分配方式最能减少犯罪”这个经验性问题的情况下,我们至少应该做我们知道自己能做的事情:伸张正义。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The A.L.I.'s Proposed Distributive Principle of 'Limiting Retributivism': Does It Mean In Practice Anything Other Than Pure Desert?
Robinson supports the proposed purposes text of the New American Law Institute Report on Sentencing Reform but argues that in practice it will not mean what traditional utilitarians, like those supporting limiting retributivism, are expecting. First, the proposed text allows reliance upon non-desert distributive principles only to the extent that they serve their stated goals. As the ALI Report concedes, there are limits to the effectiveness one can expect from rehabilitation and, as is now becoming apparent from social science research, our realistic expectations for the effectiveness of deterrence are similarly fading. It is true that incapacitation undoubtedly works to prevent future crime and there is increasing evidence that restorative processes can be effective in achieving their goal, but following these distributive principles can have crime prevention costs (which the text's proposed distributive principle would not seem to allow to be taken into account). For example, most importantly, reliance upon these principles can undercut the criminal law's moral credibility and, thereby, its power to gain compliance by harnessing social norms. Second, the greatest constraint on the influence of the enumerated non-desert purposes is the proposed principle's demand that no distribution can conflict with the demands of desert. Contrary to the assumption of the original advocates of limiting retributivism that desert provides only vague outer limits on punishment, desert has quite specific demands, driven in large part by the demand of ordinal ranking: that a case of greater blameworthiness receive greater punishment than a case of comparatively less blameworthiness. Given the limited range of punishments a liberal democracy ought to be willing to inflict, distinguishing cases of distinguishable blameworthiness means that the deserved punishment will fall within a narrow range on the punishment continuum (a result consistent with what social scientists are lately learning about the rather sophisticated intuitions of justice shared by laypersons). In closing, Robinson offers brief remarks addressed to those who oppose a desert distribution, of which he suggests there are two sorts: those who have an erroneous of what desert means, and those who think avoiding crime is more important than doing justice. To the first group, he simply sketches the current consensus view of constitutes the modern conception of desert. To the second group, he argues that a desert distribution may well be the most effective in avoiding future crime, once one takes into account the crimogenic effect of nondesert distributions, when the community comes to understand that the criminal justice system is not in fact in the business of doing justice. In any case, he argues that in the absence of sufficient data to reliably answer the empirical question as to which distribution would best reduce crime, we ought to do at least what we know we can do: do justice.
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