吉普赛经济学家。科林·克拉克的生平与时代

W. Coleman
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引用次数: 1

摘要

科林·克拉克是其中一个更令人困惑和沮丧的人!——二十世纪经济学史上的人物。这个令人费解的人物的生活和作品现在已经成为亚历克斯·米尔莫刻苦研究的对象。这位传记作者做得很好,但现在的读者对科林·克拉克的困惑只是稍微少了一些,只是稍微感兴趣了一些。克拉克于1905年出生在一个苏格兰果酱制造商的家庭,虽然他住在普利茅斯,但他喜欢在星期天给小科林穿上苏格兰短裙。克拉克获得温彻斯特学院(Winchester College)的奖学金,在牛津大学布拉塞诺斯学院(Brasenose College)学习化学。毕业时,政治向他招手,克拉克作为工党候选人参加了1929年、1931年和1935年的大选。到那时,凯恩斯的数据专家,在休·道尔顿的羽翼下,克拉克已经做好了准备,在1945年再次竞选下议院议员,并赢得了胜利,并享受了与他的同僚维克哈姆斯特经济学家工党成员理查德·克罗斯曼和休·盖茨克尔相似的职业生涯。相反,他在1937年移居澳大利亚,谴责费边主义是“古怪的宗教运动”,成为一名天主教徒,采取了“农业”和“自然主义”的政策观点,并把时间花在了广泛的统计研究上,这些研究既受到了他们的争论的刺激,也被他们的粗心所激怒。在战后的澳大利亚,不再是凯恩斯的小水星向遥远的卫星传递宝贵的信息,而是现在是圣玛丽亚大学的经济附属物,克拉克无法获得学术工作。但由于中世纪学者沃尔特•奥克肖特(Walter Oakeshott)的建议,他被任命为牛津农业经济研究所(Agricultural Economics Research Institute)所长。回到牛津后,“他的许多老朋友和导师,道尔顿、杰伊、盖茨克尔……无法理解他思想上的巨大变化”(214)。就像三个世纪前格兰维尔的《吉普赛学者》一样,他的老朋友们问他是如何过着如此奇怪的生活,并加入这样一个欺骗的乞丐团体的。克拉克发现该研究所“在智力上很无聊”,于是欣然成为莫纳什大学的荣誉研究员,似乎终于在那里找到了一个令人愉快的栖身之处。三个问题隐现。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Gypsy Economist. The Life and Times of Colin Clark
Colin Clark is one of the more puzzling – and frustrating! – figures in the history of twentieth-century economics. This perplexing figure’s life and works have now been the object of an assiduously researched study by Alex Millmow. This biographer acquits himself well, but the present reader is left only slightly less puzzled, and only somewhat more interested, in Colin Clark. Clark was born in 1905 to a Scottish jam manufacturer, who, although living in Plymouth, liked to dress young Colin in a kilt on Sundays. Schooled on a scholarship to Winchester College, Clark read chemistry at Brasenose College, Oxford. On graduation, politics beckoned keenly, and Clark stood as a Labour candidate in the general elections of 1929, 1931 and 1935. By then Keynes’s data man, and under the wing of Hugh Dalton, Clark was well-positioned to stand again for the House of Commons in 1945, win, and enjoy a career similar to that of his fellow Wykehamist-economist-Labourites Richard Crossman and Hugh Gaitskell. Instead, in 1937 he emigrated to Australia, denounced Fabianism as a ‘cranky religious movement’, became a Catholic, adopted an ‘agrarian’ and ‘natalist’ policy outlook, and devoted his time to wide-ranging statistical studies, which both stimulated by their contentiousness and irritated by their carelessness. In postwar Australia, no longer Keynes’s little Mercury winging the precious message to a distant satellite, but now the economic adjunct of B. A. Santamaria, Clark could not obtain academic employment. But thanks to the suggestion of Walter Oakeshott, the medievalist, he secured appointment as director of Oxford’s Agricultural Economics Research Institute. On his return to Oxford, ‘many of his old friends and mentors, Dalton, Jay, Gaitskell ... could not comprehend the enormous ideological change in him’ (214). Rather like Glanvill’s Gypsy Scholar three centuries before, his old ‘friends enquire[d] how he came to lead so odd a life as that was, and to join himself with such a cheating beggarly company’. Finding the Institute ‘intellectually stultifying’, Clark gladly became an honorary research fellow at Monash University, and there seemed to finally find a cheerful perch. Three questions loom.
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