发声“音位指标性”:论贫血症中发声变异的政治

Chris Taylor
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摘要

对交际中的反身性的研究表明,说话者利用一系列的符号学策略来分割和表征语言的变异。我的工作探讨了内在化和互文性如何在对话管理对社会语音变异性的解释中发挥关键作用(参见Schilling-Estes 1998)。我通过使用元语用类型化的相关模式,包括眼方言拼写、(明确的)元语用话语、构建对话(Tannen 1989)和模仿双重发声(Bakhtin 1981;Sclafani 2009)。事实证明,这些策略对于语音指号的元语用框架是不可或缺的,因为言语中的大多数语音特征通过在特定词语和显著文本中实现而成为元符码活动的对象,而这些特征反过来又成为语音变量和其他“符码搭便车者”的符号载体(Mendoza-Denton 2011)。因此,我们反射性地对社会语音变量的语用学进行建模的能力在很大程度上源于我们对这些语音指数化发生的元语言可用结构进行分割和评估的能力。在德克萨斯州休斯敦市,许多年轻黑人男女的演讲中出现的/aw/单音化的例子支持了这一立场。在休斯顿一家公共广播电台进行了五年的人种学研究后,我考虑了这个发音特征是如何被索引地与真实性和原创性的有争议的表述联系在一起的,因为它出现在当地一个显著的成语COMIN ' DINE ([k / mn da / n]“下来”)中。这个习语已经成为以休斯顿为基础的嘻哈文化流行音乐中精通街头的“黑帮”人物的注册标志。在这首音乐中,在全球流通的媒体中重新语境化,COMIN ' DINE的表达将社会语音学的变化展示出来,使其可以通过“巴赫蒂安式发声”进行meta - semiiotic协商(Jaffe 2009)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Voicing "Phono-Indexicals": On the Politics of Vocalic Variation in Metasemiosis
Research on reflexivity in communication has shown that speakers leverage a range of semiotic strategies to segment and characterize linguistic variability. My work explores how entextualization and intertextuality play key roles in dialogically managing interpretations of sociophonetic variability (cf. Schilling-Estes 1998). I examine how speakers “voice” and comment on vocalic variation by employing interrelated modes of metapragmatic typification, including eye-dialect spelling, (explicit) metapragmatic discourse, constructed dialogue (Tannen 1989), and parodic double-voicing (Bakhtin 1981; Sclafani 2009). These strategies prove indispensable to the metapragmatic framing of phono-indexicals because most phonetic features in speech become objects of metasemiotic activity by virtue of their realization in specific words and salient texts, which in turn serve as sign vehicles for vocalic variables and other “semiotic hitchhikers” (Mendoza-Denton 2011). Accordingly, our capacity to reflexively model the pragmatics of sociophonotic variables derives in large part from our ability to segment and evaluate the more metalinguistically-available structures in which these phono-indexicals occur. The case of /aw/ monophthongization in the speech of many young black women and men in Houston, Texas supports this position. Drawing on five years of ethnographic research at a public radio station in Houston, I consider how this pronunciation feature becomes tethered indexically to contested formulations of authenticity and indigineity by virtue of its occurrence in a locally-salient idiom, COMIN’ DINE ([kʌmn daːn] “coming down”). This idiom has become an enregistered emblem of a street-savvy “gangsta” persona in the popular music of Houston-based hip hop cultures. In this music, recontextualized across globally-circulating media, the expression of COMIN’ DINE puts sociophonetic variation on display, rendering it available for metasemiotic negotiation through “Bakhtinian voicing” (Jaffe 2009).
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