阿萨姆邦殖民地的孟加拉社区

Sanghamitra M. Misra
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引用次数: 0

摘要

阿萨姆邦孟加拉社区的历史,以及马尔瓦商人和尼泊尔人等许多其他社区的历史,可以追溯到英国统治阿萨姆邦的最初几十年,当时东印度公司发现自己依靠孟加拉amlahs(法院官员)来管理新获得的阿萨姆邦王国的治安、法律和税收管理。孟加拉社区的增长部分是由于公司鼓励在法院、行政部门和学校使用孟加拉语。1873年,阿萨姆语取代孟加拉语,成为宫廷的教学媒介和语言,但也有一些例外。1874年成立的阿萨姆省将该地区四个历史上截然不同的地区整合在一起,包括巴拉克-苏尔玛山谷的两个孟加拉语区(Sylhet和Cachar)。导致分界的几十年见证了各种因素,包括就业机会、文化和语言归属,导致锡尔赫特和恰恰尔在是否应该与孟加拉或阿萨姆邦合并的问题上产生了矛盾。另一个重要因素是以语言为基础的阿萨姆民族主义的增长,其政治在于阐明独特的阿萨姆文学和文化特征,同时确保就业机会。后者将导致人们要求阿萨姆邦成为一个不受孟加拉中产阶级竞争的家园。1947年7月,基于有限选举权的全民公决导致锡尔赫特并入巴基斯坦,而恰恰尔仍然是阿萨姆邦和印度的一部分。除了Sylhet和Cachar的孟加拉语社区外,阿萨姆邦的孟加拉语社区的历史还包括20世纪初从东孟加拉不断迁移到阿萨姆邦的农民的故事。虽然早期的前殖民时期的移民模式是季节性的,但殖民国家的主要目标是获得高农业收入,这导致了鼓励农民从东孟加拉迁移到阿萨姆邦的具体政策和计划。这进一步鼓励了商业农业的集约化,特别是黄麻的集约化,雅鲁藏布江流域交通网络的变化,发达的信贷网络,以及一些当地因素,如马尔瓦商人和阿萨姆放债人。然而,随着时间的推移,这种迁移为阿萨姆邦农民创造了不安全的条件,由于对可耕地的竞争日益激烈和租金上涨,他们面临被赶出土地的危险。殖民国家试图规范移民——比如在20世纪20年代通过界线制度——成为许多新兴民族主义和政治观点之间争论的焦点,无论是国大党、穆斯林联盟还是其他。土著农民对放牧和森林保护区的权利和要求与孟加拉穆斯林移民对土地的权利和要求之间的斗争,定义了20世纪40年代阿萨姆邦直到分治之前的政治。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Bengali Communities in Colonial Assam
The history of the Bengali community in Assam, along with many other communities such as the Marwari traders and the Nepalis, can be dated to the early decades of British rule in Assam when the East India Company found itself relying on Bengali amlahs (court officials) for its policing, legal and revenue administration of the newly acquired kingdom of Assam. The Bengali community grew partly due to the encouragement that the Company gave the Bengali language by using it in its courts, administration, and schools. While in 1873 Assamese replaced Bengali as the medium of instruction and language of the court, with some caveats and exceptions, the province of Assam, which was formed in 1874, brought together four historically distinct spaces in the region, including the two Bengali-speaking districts (Sylhet and Cachar) of the Barak-Surma Valley. The decades leading to Partition witnessed various factors, including employment opportunities and cultural and linguistic belonging, leading to contradictory pulls in Sylhet and Cachar on the question of whether it should be integrated with Bengal or Assam. Another important factor was the growth of linguistically based Assamese nationalism whose politics lay in the articulation of a unique Assamese literary and cultural identity along with the securing of employment opportunities. The latter would lead to a demand of an Assamese homeland free of competition from the Bengali middle class. A referendum in July 1947 based on limited franchise led to Sylhet being integrated to Pakistan while Cachar remained part of Assam and India. Other than the Bengali-speaking communities of Sylhet and Cachar, a history of the Bengali-speaking communities in Assam involves the story of peasant cultivators from East Bengal who continuously migrated into Assam in the early decades of the 20th century. While earlier pre-colonial patterns of migration were seasonal, the colonial state’s primary aim of acquiring high agrarian revenue led to specific policies and schemes that encouraged peasant migration into Assam from East Bengal. This further encouraged an intensification of commercial agriculture especially jute, changes in the transport network in the Brahmaputra valley, a developed credit network, and some local elements such as Marwari businessmen and Assamese moneylenders. However, with time this migration created conditions of insecurity for Assamese peasants who faced ejection from their lands as a result of the growing competition for cultivable land and higher rents. The colonial state’s attempt at regulating the migration—such as through the Line System in the 1920s—became a site of contestation among many emerging nationalist and political perspectives, whether of the Congress, the Muslim League or others. The tussle between the preservation of the rights and claims of indigenous peasants over grazing and forest reserves and those of Bengali Muslim immigrants over land defined the politics of the 1940s in Assam until Partition.
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