{"title":"当代民粹主义运动正在劫持宗教吗?","authors":"Nicholas Morieson","doi":"10.1080/20566093.2017.1292171","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Populism has emerged over the past 15 years as perhaps the fastest growing political force in Europe and as a major influence throughout the Western world. From its beginnings in the late 1970s, right-wing populist parties have been able to capture the votes of people negatively affected by deindustrialisation and immigration, and who felt angry and disillusioned with their national governments (Betz 1993, 413–427). Because populism is linked to feelings of anger and disillusionment—to employment security, and to a feeling that one’s culture and lifestyle is threatened by immigration and social change—as long as the vast majority of citizens felt secure in their societies and positive about their future prosperity, populist parties would remain on the fringes of Western politics. Today, however, it is clear that many Europeans and Americans do not feel secure in their own societies or positive about their own—or indeed their nations’—future. The causes of this present-day disillusionment are not difficult to identify. Increasing income inequality, technological and cultural change, and employment insecurity have undoubtedly played an important role in the rise of populist movements. Yet perhaps just as important is the growing presence of Islam in Europe—a presence which seems threatening to many Europeans—and the series of Islamist terror attacks on civilian targets in France, Germany, and Belgium. It is perhaps not surprising then that since 2008 populist—especially right-wing populist—parties have experienced a period of extraordinary growth. After all, parties such as the Danish People’s Party, the French Front National, the UK Independence Party, and the Dutch Party for Freedom—all which have experienced electoral success at a national and European level—have denounced failed centrist neoliberal politics and the parties which uphold them. The great bulk of “the people,” they claim, have been ill served by globalisation, and by the centre-right and centre-left consensus which has de-industrialised much of Europe, encouraged mass immigration, and supported multiculturalism. Right-wing populists have vowed to govern on behalf of “the people,” to stop Muslim immigration, to protect manufacturing industries, and promote Judeo-Christian or Christian values","PeriodicalId":252085,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Religious and Political Practice","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"3","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Are contemporary populist movements hijacking religion?\",\"authors\":\"Nicholas Morieson\",\"doi\":\"10.1080/20566093.2017.1292171\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Populism has emerged over the past 15 years as perhaps the fastest growing political force in Europe and as a major influence throughout the Western world. From its beginnings in the late 1970s, right-wing populist parties have been able to capture the votes of people negatively affected by deindustrialisation and immigration, and who felt angry and disillusioned with their national governments (Betz 1993, 413–427). Because populism is linked to feelings of anger and disillusionment—to employment security, and to a feeling that one’s culture and lifestyle is threatened by immigration and social change—as long as the vast majority of citizens felt secure in their societies and positive about their future prosperity, populist parties would remain on the fringes of Western politics. Today, however, it is clear that many Europeans and Americans do not feel secure in their own societies or positive about their own—or indeed their nations’—future. The causes of this present-day disillusionment are not difficult to identify. Increasing income inequality, technological and cultural change, and employment insecurity have undoubtedly played an important role in the rise of populist movements. Yet perhaps just as important is the growing presence of Islam in Europe—a presence which seems threatening to many Europeans—and the series of Islamist terror attacks on civilian targets in France, Germany, and Belgium. It is perhaps not surprising then that since 2008 populist—especially right-wing populist—parties have experienced a period of extraordinary growth. After all, parties such as the Danish People’s Party, the French Front National, the UK Independence Party, and the Dutch Party for Freedom—all which have experienced electoral success at a national and European level—have denounced failed centrist neoliberal politics and the parties which uphold them. The great bulk of “the people,” they claim, have been ill served by globalisation, and by the centre-right and centre-left consensus which has de-industrialised much of Europe, encouraged mass immigration, and supported multiculturalism. 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引用次数: 3
摘要
民粹主义在过去15年里崛起,可能是欧洲增长最快的政治力量,对整个西方世界产生了重大影响。从20世纪70年代末开始,右翼民粹主义政党就能够赢得那些受到去工业化和移民负面影响的人的选票,这些人对本国政府感到愤怒和失望(Betz 1993,413 - 427)。因为民粹主义与愤怒和幻灭感有关,与就业保障有关,与移民和社会变革威胁到自己的文化和生活方式有关,只要绝大多数公民在他们的社会中感到安全,对未来的繁荣持积极态度,民粹主义政党就会一直处于西方政治的边缘。然而,今天很明显,许多欧洲人和美国人在他们自己的社会中感到不安全,对他们自己——或者实际上是他们国家——的未来感到不乐观。当今这种幻灭的原因并不难确定。收入不平等加剧、技术和文化变革以及就业不安全无疑在民粹主义运动的兴起中发挥了重要作用。然而,也许同样重要的是伊斯兰教在欧洲的日益壮大——这对许多欧洲人来说似乎是一种威胁——以及在法国、德国和比利时发生的一系列针对平民目标的伊斯兰恐怖袭击。因此,自2008年以来,民粹主义政党——尤其是右翼民粹主义政党——经历了一段异常增长的时期,这或许并不奇怪。毕竟,丹麦人民党(Danish People’s Party)、法国国民阵线(Front National)、英国独立党(Independence Party)和荷兰自由党(Dutch Party for freedom)等政党——它们都在国家和欧洲层面的选举中取得了成功——都谴责了失败的中间派新自由主义政治和支持它们的政党。他们声称,绝大多数“人民”没有得到全球化的服务,也没有得到中右翼和中左翼共识的服务,后者让欧洲大部分地区去工业化,鼓励大规模移民,并支持多元文化主义。右翼民粹主义者发誓要代表“人民”执政,阻止穆斯林移民,保护制造业,推广犹太教-基督教或基督教价值观
Are contemporary populist movements hijacking religion?
Populism has emerged over the past 15 years as perhaps the fastest growing political force in Europe and as a major influence throughout the Western world. From its beginnings in the late 1970s, right-wing populist parties have been able to capture the votes of people negatively affected by deindustrialisation and immigration, and who felt angry and disillusioned with their national governments (Betz 1993, 413–427). Because populism is linked to feelings of anger and disillusionment—to employment security, and to a feeling that one’s culture and lifestyle is threatened by immigration and social change—as long as the vast majority of citizens felt secure in their societies and positive about their future prosperity, populist parties would remain on the fringes of Western politics. Today, however, it is clear that many Europeans and Americans do not feel secure in their own societies or positive about their own—or indeed their nations’—future. The causes of this present-day disillusionment are not difficult to identify. Increasing income inequality, technological and cultural change, and employment insecurity have undoubtedly played an important role in the rise of populist movements. Yet perhaps just as important is the growing presence of Islam in Europe—a presence which seems threatening to many Europeans—and the series of Islamist terror attacks on civilian targets in France, Germany, and Belgium. It is perhaps not surprising then that since 2008 populist—especially right-wing populist—parties have experienced a period of extraordinary growth. After all, parties such as the Danish People’s Party, the French Front National, the UK Independence Party, and the Dutch Party for Freedom—all which have experienced electoral success at a national and European level—have denounced failed centrist neoliberal politics and the parties which uphold them. The great bulk of “the people,” they claim, have been ill served by globalisation, and by the centre-right and centre-left consensus which has de-industrialised much of Europe, encouraged mass immigration, and supported multiculturalism. Right-wing populists have vowed to govern on behalf of “the people,” to stop Muslim immigration, to protect manufacturing industries, and promote Judeo-Christian or Christian values