{"title":"乔伊斯时代的都柏林","authors":"Ken Monaghan","doi":"10.1353/JOY.2001.0009","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"I was born in 1925 and grew up in an Ireland that was not greatly different to the country from which James Joyce and Nora Barnacle fled on 8 October, 1904. True, there were changes. We had achieved an independence of sorts from England and twenty-six of the thirtytwo counties in the country were now governed from Dublin. The umbilical cord, however, had not been cut and six northern counties remained and still remain under British rule which has resulted in the festering sore that is Northern Ireland today. We had also experienced a particularly vicious civil war between the forces who, after the war of independence, supported the Treaty with England and those who opposed it. The civil war left bitter memories and divisions and these memories and divisions had an enormous and almost cataclysmic effect on the social and political life of the country until comparatively recent times. During this period when we were slowly coming to terms with the difficulties of governing ourselves and running the country, there was mass unemployment and grinding poverty for a large portion of the population, and the way of life was determined more than ever by the dictates of an autocratic Catholic Church. We had adopted existing British laws and taken on board their civil service and judicial systems and the only real difference was in the people who occupied the positions of power within these systems. The minions of the British Government were replaced by members of the emerging Catholic middle class who looked for leadership and guidance to the hierarchy of that same Church. Molly Ivors and her friends had come into their inheritance. In 1932, after a General Election won by Fianna Fail, the political wing of the anti-treaty Forces in the Civil War, Eamonn de Valera became Taoiseach or Prime Minister, a position he was to hold for an","PeriodicalId":330014,"journal":{"name":"Joyce Studies Annual","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2001-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Dublin in the Time of Joyce\",\"authors\":\"Ken Monaghan\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/JOY.2001.0009\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"I was born in 1925 and grew up in an Ireland that was not greatly different to the country from which James Joyce and Nora Barnacle fled on 8 October, 1904. True, there were changes. We had achieved an independence of sorts from England and twenty-six of the thirtytwo counties in the country were now governed from Dublin. The umbilical cord, however, had not been cut and six northern counties remained and still remain under British rule which has resulted in the festering sore that is Northern Ireland today. We had also experienced a particularly vicious civil war between the forces who, after the war of independence, supported the Treaty with England and those who opposed it. The civil war left bitter memories and divisions and these memories and divisions had an enormous and almost cataclysmic effect on the social and political life of the country until comparatively recent times. During this period when we were slowly coming to terms with the difficulties of governing ourselves and running the country, there was mass unemployment and grinding poverty for a large portion of the population, and the way of life was determined more than ever by the dictates of an autocratic Catholic Church. We had adopted existing British laws and taken on board their civil service and judicial systems and the only real difference was in the people who occupied the positions of power within these systems. The minions of the British Government were replaced by members of the emerging Catholic middle class who looked for leadership and guidance to the hierarchy of that same Church. Molly Ivors and her friends had come into their inheritance. In 1932, after a General Election won by Fianna Fail, the political wing of the anti-treaty Forces in the Civil War, Eamonn de Valera became Taoiseach or Prime Minister, a position he was to hold for an\",\"PeriodicalId\":330014,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Joyce Studies Annual\",\"volume\":\"8 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2001-07-01\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Joyce Studies Annual\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1353/JOY.2001.0009\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Joyce Studies Annual","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/JOY.2001.0009","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
摘要
我出生于1925年,在一个与詹姆斯·乔伊斯和诺拉·巴纳克尔于1904年10月8日逃离的国家没有太大区别的爱尔兰长大。没错,确实有变化。我们已经从英格兰获得了某种意义上的独立,全国32个郡中有26个由都柏林管辖。然而,脐带并没有被切断,北部的六个郡仍然处于英国的统治之下,这导致了今天北爱尔兰溃烂的伤口。我们还经历了一场特别恶毒的内战,内战发生在独立战争后支持与英国签订《条约》的势力和反对该条约的势力之间。内战留下了痛苦的记忆和分裂,这些记忆和分裂对这个国家的社会和政治生活产生了巨大的,几乎是灾难性的影响,直到最近。在这段时间里,我们慢慢地接受了管理自己和管理国家的困难,大量的人失业,很大一部分人陷入贫困,生活方式比以往任何时候都更受专制的天主教会的支配。我们采用了英国现有的法律,并接受了他们的公务员制度和司法制度,唯一真正的区别是在这些制度中占据权力位置的人。英国政府的仆从被新兴的天主教中产阶级成员所取代,他们寻求对同一教会等级制度的领导和指导。莫莉·艾弗斯和她的朋友们继承了遗产。1932年,在内战中反条约力量的政治派别共和党(Fianna Fail)赢得大选后,埃蒙·德瓦莱拉(Eamonn de Valera)成为爱尔兰总理(Taoiseach),并担任了一年的总理
I was born in 1925 and grew up in an Ireland that was not greatly different to the country from which James Joyce and Nora Barnacle fled on 8 October, 1904. True, there were changes. We had achieved an independence of sorts from England and twenty-six of the thirtytwo counties in the country were now governed from Dublin. The umbilical cord, however, had not been cut and six northern counties remained and still remain under British rule which has resulted in the festering sore that is Northern Ireland today. We had also experienced a particularly vicious civil war between the forces who, after the war of independence, supported the Treaty with England and those who opposed it. The civil war left bitter memories and divisions and these memories and divisions had an enormous and almost cataclysmic effect on the social and political life of the country until comparatively recent times. During this period when we were slowly coming to terms with the difficulties of governing ourselves and running the country, there was mass unemployment and grinding poverty for a large portion of the population, and the way of life was determined more than ever by the dictates of an autocratic Catholic Church. We had adopted existing British laws and taken on board their civil service and judicial systems and the only real difference was in the people who occupied the positions of power within these systems. The minions of the British Government were replaced by members of the emerging Catholic middle class who looked for leadership and guidance to the hierarchy of that same Church. Molly Ivors and her friends had come into their inheritance. In 1932, after a General Election won by Fianna Fail, the political wing of the anti-treaty Forces in the Civil War, Eamonn de Valera became Taoiseach or Prime Minister, a position he was to hold for an