在刽子手的房子里,不要提及绞索:犹太人为工党对平等与人权委员会的攻击而发声

Derek Spitz
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引用次数: 0

摘要

2021年5月,犹太劳工之声(“JVL”)发表了一份题为《EHRC为何如此错误——反犹主义和工党》的好斗文件。该文件批评了平等与人权委员会2020年10月对工党反犹太主义的调查报告。委员会发现工党应对反犹太主义行为负责,这些行为导致了一些违反2010年《平等法》的非法行为。除了其法律调查结果外,它还作出了重要的事实调查结果,确定了工党中接受反犹太主义的文化,工党遭受了严重的领导失误,未能更有效地解决反犹太主义问题可能是一个选择问题。自由联盟攻击委员会报告的实质如下。第一,据说委员会没有也不可能合法地调查反犹主义本身;就其声称这样做的程度而言,其非法调查结果据称毫无意义。第二,JVL声称委员会没有发现机构上的反犹太主义。第三,由于没有要求提交某份泄露的报告中提到的证据,该报告可能是由忠于杰里米·科尔宾的工党官员编写的,委员会被指责为瞬间取消了自己的报告作为事实陈述的价值。第四,JVL声称委员会的报告不仅在法律上站不住脚,而且据称是对民主的威胁。最后,JVL声称委员会的分析不仅是错误的,而且它在行使其法定权力时存在恶意。本文对JVL攻击的五个支柱中的每一个支柱都进行了回应,所有这些支柱都在仔细审查下崩溃了。关于第一个支柱,文章将反犹主义的消失确定为JVL论证的关键,并展示了JVL的批评如何以反犹主义否认主义的政治认识论为基础。至于第二个支柱,它表明委员会报告中没有“机构反犹太主义”一词是语义上的狡诈。实质上,委员会认为所调查的行为相当于体制上的反犹太主义。关于第三点,该条表明,自由联盟关于委员会没有要求制作泄露的报告的控诉是不正当的,因为该报告构成承认提交给它的控诉是正确的。此外,科尔宾领导的工党自己决定不希望委员会考虑这些材料。至于第四个支柱,文章表明,委员会的报告远不是对民主的威胁,而是抓住了否认反犹主义的棘手问题。它的结论是,继续假设和断言犹太人提出对反犹太主义的担忧是出于邪恶目的而撒谎,这本身可能是,至少在两个案例中,一种非法的反犹太人骚扰。关于第五项,该条反驳了关于委员会恶意行使其权力的不寻常指控。令人惊讶的是,无论是科尔宾还是科尔宾都不愿意接受欧盟委员会的司法审查。这篇文章的结尾考虑了JVL推理的贫乏,加上其指责的奢侈,如何引起对反犹主义和工党的症状性解读,作为左翼忧郁症的令人失望的例证。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
In the House of the Hangman One should not Mention the Noose: Jewish Voice for Labour’s Attack on the Equality and Human Rights Commission
Abstract In May 2021 Jewish Voice for Labour (“JVL”) published a combative document entitled How the EHRC Got It So Wrong-Antisemitism and the Labour Party. The document criticises the Equality and Human Rights Commission’s October 2020 Report of its investigation into antisemitism in the Labour Party. The Commission found the Labour Party responsible for antisemitic conduct giving rise to several unlawful acts in breach of the Equality Act 2010. In addition to its legal findings, it also made critical factual findings, identifying a culture of acceptance of antisemitism in the Labour Party, which suffered from serious failings in leadership, where the failure to tackle antisemitism more effectively was probably a matter of choice. The essence of JVL’s attack on the Commission’s Report is as follows. First, it is said that the Commission did not and could not lawfully investigate antisemitism as such; to the extent that it purported to do so, its findings of unlawfulness are purportedly meaningless. Secondly, JVL claims that the Commission made no finding of institutional antisemitism. Thirdly, by failing to require production of evidence referred to in a certain leaked report, probably prepared by Labour Party officials loyal to Jeremy Corbyn, the Commission is accused of nullifying at a stroke the value of its own Report as a factual account. Fourthly, JVL claims the Commission’s Report is not just legally untenable, but purportedly a threat to democracy. Finally, JVL claims the Commission’s analysis was not just wrong, but that it exercised its statutory powers in bad faith. This article offers a response to each of the five pillars of JVL’s attack, all of which collapse under scrutiny. As to the first pillar, the article identifies the disappearing of antisemitism as the linchpin of JVL’s argument and shows how JVL’s criticism is underpinned by a political epistemology of antisemitism denialism. As to the second pillar, it shows that the absence of the term “institutional antisemitism” in the Commission’s Report is a semantic quibble. In substance, the Commission found that the conduct under investigation amounted to institutional antisemitism. As to the third, the article demonstrates that JVL’s complaint about the Commission’s failure to call for production of the leaked report is perverse because that report constitutes an admission of the correctness of the complaints put before it. Moreover, the Corbyn-led Labour Party itself decided that it did not want the Commission to consider that material. As to the fourth pillar, the article shows that far from being a threat to democracy, the Commission’s Report grasps the nettle of antisemitism denial. It concludes that continuing to assume and assert that Jews raising concerns about antisemitism are lying for nefarious ends may itself be, and in at least two cases was, a form of unlawful anti-Jewish harassment. As to the fifth, the article rebuts the extraordinary charge that the Commission exercised its powers in bad faith. Rather strikingly, neither JVL nor Jeremy Corbyn was willing to take the Commission on judicial review. The article concludes by considering how the poverty of JVL’s reasoning, coupled with the extravagance of its accusations, invites a symptomatic reading of Antisemitism and the Labour Party as a disappointing illustration of left-wing melancholia.
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