道格拉斯文化框架是否合格?它在商业研究中的应用综述

R. Baskerville
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This study offers a review of applications of the Mary Douglas cultural framework in international business research, and the inherent problems in robustly identifying drivers to differences in business activity when a diversity of ethnicities is within the data under study. This study illustrates some applications of the DCF; I suggest in the Discussion section that it remains to be more fully tested. But some may well view the reduction down to ‘the working of human minds’ less attractive than being able to offer grand research designs and conclusions, based on eliciting responses from myriad social groups morphed into nation states, or multi-national enterprises, such as professional bodies. The limitations of the DCF remain; and reflecting on the critiques on Hofstede earlier in this paper these included: i. That culture was treated as static. In DCF the solidarities represent clusters of behavioural preferences connecting people in a specific context, but for each person their affiliation is neither stable nor permanent. Movements in and out of solitaries occur frequently and with relative ease. “In fact, temporary [solidarity] switches are virtually uncontrollable because new [solidarity] affiliations are constantly being created as people move from one context to another” (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128, reading ‘solidarity’ for ‘culture’). Proponents of DCF explain conformity and variations in collective action in grid-group terms. They state that any two individuals or entities with similar grid-group preferences will demonstrate similar behaviours in that context (Douglas, 1970). This conformity is neither permanent nor is it a function of people’s national origin. (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128) ii. That there is no such thing as national culture, and nation states only very rarely have a single and distinct culture; this critique is well accommodated in the DCF, when the focus in applying the DCF is to a social group below the size of a nation state. For example, the cohort under study could be a group of Big 4 auditors, or a Big 4 organisation itself, or members of one of the professional organisations such as ICAEW, ICAS, AICPA et ors. iii. That the ordinal measures derived from one participant can be treated as numeric and of equal intervals to achieve statistical averaging of what may well be heterogeneous components; this problem with Hofstede/Gray dimensions appears again in applications of the DCF framework as discussed above. I would not concur with Patel’s (2015) claim that “DCF offers a resolution to the unity-infinity dilemma”. It is not a framework for analysing ‘culture’ as used to denote nation states, nor the so-called corporate cultures. Those who have tried to do so have not offered persuasive results, and should not encourage others to do so. This theory or ‘Cultural framework’ needs to be clearly understood with the sense in which Douglas intends us to view cultures i.e. at the level of normative or coercive mechanisms within four solidarities. The DCF offers no explanatory power for such coercive or normative processes. The four solidarities schema is to allow classification and close examination of social relations as experienced by the individual, which then drive audit or accounting behaviours. Business research has long been dominated by the passion with which researchers seek to go further than description, and to extend their research to identify causal powers or explanations for the observed phenomena. However, it is germane to reflect on Douglas’s major contributions in other publications: her book “Purity and Danger” cited more than 20,000 times, examines in great detail the operation of rules about the unclean/clean distinctions in a variety of human social groups. Her book “How Institutions Think” is similarly influential, in which she reviews the means by which a society creates ‘public goods’, those things such as motorways or pollution controls, and worldviews that are produced and used in common, considering arguments ranging from rational-choice theory to self-sacrifice. These have been influential in many branches of anthropology, and in branches of applied anthropology, but it needs to be recalled that many consider the strength of anthropology is that it does not explain, but only describes. Therefore, those business researchers who are automatically driven from description to explanation may do so, but recognise that they may, in so doing, compromise the spirit in which the DCF framework is offered. If, in accounting research, we are to consider the DCF and the four solidarities, it needs to be in conjunction with i. gathering data on ethnic values and norms of respondents, ii. not treating any nation-state, IFRS adopter, or data from stock exchanges, as representing a culture, iii. no expectation that such analysis might offer anything more than description of coercive and normative processes which maintain norms and values, and iv. great care over the use of the term ‘culture’. Often clarity of reasoning is more likely to be gained if that word is avoided completely. The potential for the DCF as a means of identifying causal drives to distinctive accounting behaviours and practices in a variety of settings is yet to be fully realised.","PeriodicalId":261576,"journal":{"name":"AARN: Corporations (Topic)","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2017-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Does the Douglas Cultural Framework Measure Up? A Review of its Utility in Business Research\",\"authors\":\"R. Baskerville\",\"doi\":\"10.2139/ssrn.3162921\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Recognition of the inherent weaknesses in the Hofstede model of cultural dimensions, and the many critiques of his approach, have led to an increasing diversity of approaches in business research towards comparative analysis of data from diverse nation-states or geo-political jurisdictions. 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But some may well view the reduction down to ‘the working of human minds’ less attractive than being able to offer grand research designs and conclusions, based on eliciting responses from myriad social groups morphed into nation states, or multi-national enterprises, such as professional bodies. The limitations of the DCF remain; and reflecting on the critiques on Hofstede earlier in this paper these included: i. That culture was treated as static. In DCF the solidarities represent clusters of behavioural preferences connecting people in a specific context, but for each person their affiliation is neither stable nor permanent. Movements in and out of solitaries occur frequently and with relative ease. “In fact, temporary [solidarity] switches are virtually uncontrollable because new [solidarity] affiliations are constantly being created as people move from one context to another” (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128, reading ‘solidarity’ for ‘culture’). Proponents of DCF explain conformity and variations in collective action in grid-group terms. They state that any two individuals or entities with similar grid-group preferences will demonstrate similar behaviours in that context (Douglas, 1970). This conformity is neither permanent nor is it a function of people’s national origin. (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128) ii. That there is no such thing as national culture, and nation states only very rarely have a single and distinct culture; this critique is well accommodated in the DCF, when the focus in applying the DCF is to a social group below the size of a nation state. For example, the cohort under study could be a group of Big 4 auditors, or a Big 4 organisation itself, or members of one of the professional organisations such as ICAEW, ICAS, AICPA et ors. iii. That the ordinal measures derived from one participant can be treated as numeric and of equal intervals to achieve statistical averaging of what may well be heterogeneous components; this problem with Hofstede/Gray dimensions appears again in applications of the DCF framework as discussed above. I would not concur with Patel’s (2015) claim that “DCF offers a resolution to the unity-infinity dilemma”. It is not a framework for analysing ‘culture’ as used to denote nation states, nor the so-called corporate cultures. Those who have tried to do so have not offered persuasive results, and should not encourage others to do so. This theory or ‘Cultural framework’ needs to be clearly understood with the sense in which Douglas intends us to view cultures i.e. at the level of normative or coercive mechanisms within four solidarities. The DCF offers no explanatory power for such coercive or normative processes. The four solidarities schema is to allow classification and close examination of social relations as experienced by the individual, which then drive audit or accounting behaviours. Business research has long been dominated by the passion with which researchers seek to go further than description, and to extend their research to identify causal powers or explanations for the observed phenomena. However, it is germane to reflect on Douglas’s major contributions in other publications: her book “Purity and Danger” cited more than 20,000 times, examines in great detail the operation of rules about the unclean/clean distinctions in a variety of human social groups. Her book “How Institutions Think” is similarly influential, in which she reviews the means by which a society creates ‘public goods’, those things such as motorways or pollution controls, and worldviews that are produced and used in common, considering arguments ranging from rational-choice theory to self-sacrifice. These have been influential in many branches of anthropology, and in branches of applied anthropology, but it needs to be recalled that many consider the strength of anthropology is that it does not explain, but only describes. Therefore, those business researchers who are automatically driven from description to explanation may do so, but recognise that they may, in so doing, compromise the spirit in which the DCF framework is offered. If, in accounting research, we are to consider the DCF and the four solidarities, it needs to be in conjunction with i. gathering data on ethnic values and norms of respondents, ii. not treating any nation-state, IFRS adopter, or data from stock exchanges, as representing a culture, iii. no expectation that such analysis might offer anything more than description of coercive and normative processes which maintain norms and values, and iv. great care over the use of the term ‘culture’. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

认识到Hofstede文化维度模型固有的弱点,以及对他的方法的许多批评,导致商业研究中对来自不同民族国家或地缘政治管辖区的数据进行比较分析的方法越来越多样化。本文的研究问题是:玛丽道格拉斯文化框架(DCF)是如何在商业相关研究中,特别是在会计相关研究中解决“文化问题”的?要回答这些问题,需要回顾使用DCF的其他研究领域的一些研究,以及在其应用中提出的一些方法问题。DCF将“文化作为一种强制机制”,以确保在DCF的四个团结中持续延续独特的规范和信念。本研究回顾了玛丽·道格拉斯文化框架在国际商业研究中的应用,以及在研究数据中存在种族多样性时,在强有力地识别商业活动差异驱动因素方面存在的固有问题。本研究说明了DCF的一些应用;我建议在讨论部分,它仍然需要更充分的测试。但有些人可能会把这种减少归结为“人类思维的运作”,而不是基于从无数社会团体(已演变为民族国家)或跨国企业(如专业团体)中征求意见而提出宏伟的研究设计和结论。发展中国家发展基金的局限性仍然存在;并反思本文早些时候对霍夫斯泰德的批评,这些批评包括:1 .文化被视为静态的。在DCF中,团结代表了在特定背景下将人们联系起来的行为偏好集群,但对于每个人来说,他们的联系既不稳定也不永久。进出孤独者的活动经常发生,而且相对容易。“事实上,暂时的[团结]转换实际上是无法控制的,因为随着人们从一个环境转移到另一个环境,新的[团结]关系不断被创造出来”(Patel和Rayner 2012年第128页,将“团结”解读为“文化”)。DCF的支持者用网格组术语解释了集体行动中的一致性和差异性。他们指出,在这种情况下,任何两个具有相似网格组偏好的个人或实体都会表现出相似的行为(Douglas, 1970)。这种一致性既不是永久的,也不是民族出身的作用。(帕特尔和雷纳2012年第128页)没有所谓的民族文化,民族国家也很少有单一而独特的文化;当应用DCF的重点是一个低于民族国家规模的社会群体时,这种批评很好地适应了DCF。例如,研究对象可以是一组“四大”审计师,或者是“四大”机构本身,或者是ICAEW、ICAS、AICPA等专业机构之一的成员。3从一个参与者得到的有序测度可以被看作是数字的,具有相等的间隔,从而对可能是异质成分的数据进行统计平均;Hofstede/Gray维度的问题在上文讨论的DCF框架的应用中再次出现。我不同意Patel(2015)的说法,即“DCF为统一-无限困境提供了一个解决方案”。它不是用来分析民族国家的“文化”的框架,也不是所谓的企业文化。那些试图这样做的人并没有提供有说服力的结果,也不应该鼓励别人这样做。这个理论或“文化框架”需要被清楚地理解,在这个意义上,道格拉斯希望我们在四个团结的规范或强制机制的层面上看待文化。DCF对这种强制性或规范性程序没有解释力。四个团结模式允许对个人经历的社会关系进行分类和仔细检查,然后驱动审计或会计行为。长期以来,商业研究一直被一种激情所主导,研究人员试图超越描述,扩展他们的研究,以确定所观察到的现象的因果力量或解释。然而,反思道格拉斯在其他出版物中的主要贡献是密切相关的:她的书《纯洁与危险》被引用了2万多次,非常详细地研究了各种人类社会群体中关于不洁净/干净区分的规则的运作。她的书《制度是如何思考的》同样有影响力,在书中她回顾了社会创造“公共产品”的方式,这些东西如高速公路或污染控制,以及共同生产和使用的世界观,考虑了从理性选择理论到自我牺牲的各种论点。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Does the Douglas Cultural Framework Measure Up? A Review of its Utility in Business Research
Recognition of the inherent weaknesses in the Hofstede model of cultural dimensions, and the many critiques of his approach, have led to an increasing diversity of approaches in business research towards comparative analysis of data from diverse nation-states or geo-political jurisdictions. The research question addressed in this paper is: how has the Mary Douglas Cultural Framework (DCF) been used resolve ‘the problem of culture’ in business-related research, and in accounting-related research in particular? To answer these questions requires reviewing some studies in other fields of research using the DCF, and some methodological issues raised in its application. The DCF posits ‘culture as a coercive mechanism’ to ensure sustained continuation of unique norms and beliefs within each of the four solidarities in the DCF. This study offers a review of applications of the Mary Douglas cultural framework in international business research, and the inherent problems in robustly identifying drivers to differences in business activity when a diversity of ethnicities is within the data under study. This study illustrates some applications of the DCF; I suggest in the Discussion section that it remains to be more fully tested. But some may well view the reduction down to ‘the working of human minds’ less attractive than being able to offer grand research designs and conclusions, based on eliciting responses from myriad social groups morphed into nation states, or multi-national enterprises, such as professional bodies. The limitations of the DCF remain; and reflecting on the critiques on Hofstede earlier in this paper these included: i. That culture was treated as static. In DCF the solidarities represent clusters of behavioural preferences connecting people in a specific context, but for each person their affiliation is neither stable nor permanent. Movements in and out of solitaries occur frequently and with relative ease. “In fact, temporary [solidarity] switches are virtually uncontrollable because new [solidarity] affiliations are constantly being created as people move from one context to another” (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128, reading ‘solidarity’ for ‘culture’). Proponents of DCF explain conformity and variations in collective action in grid-group terms. They state that any two individuals or entities with similar grid-group preferences will demonstrate similar behaviours in that context (Douglas, 1970). This conformity is neither permanent nor is it a function of people’s national origin. (Patel and Rayner 2012 p. 128) ii. That there is no such thing as national culture, and nation states only very rarely have a single and distinct culture; this critique is well accommodated in the DCF, when the focus in applying the DCF is to a social group below the size of a nation state. For example, the cohort under study could be a group of Big 4 auditors, or a Big 4 organisation itself, or members of one of the professional organisations such as ICAEW, ICAS, AICPA et ors. iii. That the ordinal measures derived from one participant can be treated as numeric and of equal intervals to achieve statistical averaging of what may well be heterogeneous components; this problem with Hofstede/Gray dimensions appears again in applications of the DCF framework as discussed above. I would not concur with Patel’s (2015) claim that “DCF offers a resolution to the unity-infinity dilemma”. It is not a framework for analysing ‘culture’ as used to denote nation states, nor the so-called corporate cultures. Those who have tried to do so have not offered persuasive results, and should not encourage others to do so. This theory or ‘Cultural framework’ needs to be clearly understood with the sense in which Douglas intends us to view cultures i.e. at the level of normative or coercive mechanisms within four solidarities. The DCF offers no explanatory power for such coercive or normative processes. The four solidarities schema is to allow classification and close examination of social relations as experienced by the individual, which then drive audit or accounting behaviours. Business research has long been dominated by the passion with which researchers seek to go further than description, and to extend their research to identify causal powers or explanations for the observed phenomena. However, it is germane to reflect on Douglas’s major contributions in other publications: her book “Purity and Danger” cited more than 20,000 times, examines in great detail the operation of rules about the unclean/clean distinctions in a variety of human social groups. Her book “How Institutions Think” is similarly influential, in which she reviews the means by which a society creates ‘public goods’, those things such as motorways or pollution controls, and worldviews that are produced and used in common, considering arguments ranging from rational-choice theory to self-sacrifice. These have been influential in many branches of anthropology, and in branches of applied anthropology, but it needs to be recalled that many consider the strength of anthropology is that it does not explain, but only describes. Therefore, those business researchers who are automatically driven from description to explanation may do so, but recognise that they may, in so doing, compromise the spirit in which the DCF framework is offered. If, in accounting research, we are to consider the DCF and the four solidarities, it needs to be in conjunction with i. gathering data on ethnic values and norms of respondents, ii. not treating any nation-state, IFRS adopter, or data from stock exchanges, as representing a culture, iii. no expectation that such analysis might offer anything more than description of coercive and normative processes which maintain norms and values, and iv. great care over the use of the term ‘culture’. Often clarity of reasoning is more likely to be gained if that word is avoided completely. The potential for the DCF as a means of identifying causal drives to distinctive accounting behaviours and practices in a variety of settings is yet to be fully realised.
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