早期方济会传统中的圣餐

M. Colish
{"title":"早期方济会传统中的圣餐","authors":"M. Colish","doi":"10.1515/9783110685008-018","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers three questions on the Eucharist treated by Alexander of Hales in his Quaestiones disputatae antequam esset frater and Glossa on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and then by William of Melitona in his Quaestiones de sacramentis and, as the acknowledged author or complier of Book 4 of the Summa Halensis, in that text in its Cologne, 1622 edition: 1. Transubstantiation as the full substantial change of bread and wine on the altar into the body and blood of Christ as opposed to the remanescence and annihilation theories, the other two orthodox alternatives; 2. How two bodies can occupy the same space at the same time, although one of them, the glorified body of the resurrected Christ, is not held to be subject to the laws of physics governing natural bodies; and 3. How the accidents of bread and wine can survive in the consecrated elements, since they are no longer subtended by the substance of bread and wine. Along with standard authorities, Alexander and William draw on some distinctive sources. These include Peter Lombard’s Collectanea, not always distinguished from the biblical Glossa ordinaria by Alexander’s and William’s editors; the semantic theory of Prepositinus of Cremona; and Innocent III’s treatise on the Mass, which defends the Real Presence as transubstantiation in a work otherwise devoted to the liturgy of the Mass. The paper emphasizes the shifting analyses given by Alexander across his two treatments of these questions, as well as those altered by William—moving from semantic to physical to mathematical argumentation—in support of positions on the Eucharist which they shared, but which the Summa Halensis does not adopt. Eucharistic theology has received no lack of attention from historians of scholasticism. Accenting philosophical explanations of the Real Presence doctrine after 1250, they tend to devalue earlier accounts as technically deficient or as confined to divine miracle. This study of Alexander of Hales, William of Melitona, and the Summa Halensis proposes a revaluation of early Franciscan contributions to two major Eucharistic debates. Theologians in their day offered three alternative theories to explain Christ’s Real Presence in the Eucharist. Alexander, William, and the authorities on whom they rely all support the transubstantiation theory and reject remanescence and annihilation. This position affected their approach to the second issue, accidents without a subject in the consecrated species. Sources available to Alexander and William in Latin, and their own ingenuity, informed the uses they make of the artes and philosophy. This paper will focus on the modes of argument they apply to these two controverted doctrines. The characterization of early Franciscans as disinclined to apply rational explanations to the Eucharist can be found even in studies that valorize learning in that OpenAccess. © 2020 Lydia Schumacher, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685008-018 order. Bert Roest begins with Bonaventure,1 as does David Burr. Burr’s early Franciscans join Eucharistic theologians whose view of their job ‘was not to prove the unprovable or explain the unexplainable’.2 While noting that, by 1330, the Franciscan defense of accidents without a subject had become ‘an immovable given of metaphysics’,3 William Duba gives no sense of its development before Duns Scotus. Marilyn Adams begins her survey with Aquinas, and is likewise uninterested in early scholastics on the topics she treats.4 As is well known, before and after the definition of the Real Presence as transubstantiation at Lateran IV in 1215, three theories were proposed to describe it. All were regarded as tenable within the western orthodox consensus.5 Historians have flagged the shift from a largely anti-heretical defense of the Real Presence to its reframing in Aristotelian terms. Indeed, it was the controversy launched by Berengarius of Tours in the 11 century that normalized the language of matter and form, substance and accident, in this context,6 Aristotelian terminology accessed by way of Boethius. A standard author in the Latin school curriculum, Boethius remained a major source for the philosophical arguments of Alexander and William as well, along with  Bert Roest, ‘“Franciscan Augustinianism”: Musings about Labels and Late Medieval School Formation,’ in Bert Roest, Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, c. 1226– 1650: Cum scientia sit donum Dei, armatura ad defendendam sanctam fidem catholicam..., The Medieval Franciscans, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 111–3, and this despite Roest’s vigorous defense of the acceptability of learning from Francis of Assisi onward in Bert Roest, ‘Francis of Assisi and the Pursuit of Learning,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 1– 18; Bert Roest, ‘The Franciscan School System: Re-assessing the Early Evidence,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 19–50; and Bert Roest, ‘Religious Life in the Franciscan School Network (13 Century),’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 51–82. The anthology De causalitate sacramentorum iuxta scholam franciscanum, ed. Willibrord Lampen (Bonn: Petrus Hanstein, 1931) is not of use in this paper; while the editor’s selections begin with the Summa Halensis (ascribing its authorship to Alexander) they do not treat the Eucharistic topics here discussed.  David Burr, Eucharistic Presence and Conversion in Late Thirteenth-Century Franciscan Thought, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 74/3 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1984), 6–7.  William O. Duba, The Forge of Doctrine: The Academic Year 1330–31 and the Rise of Scotism at the University of Paris, Studia Sententiarum, 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 150–3; quotation at 153.  Marilyn McCord Adams, Some Later Medieval Theories of the Eucharist: Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).  Hans Jorissen, Die Entfaltung der Transsubstantiationslehre bis zum Beginn der Hochscholastik, Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie, 28/1 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1965), 11– 154, 156; Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament according to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 3–5; Gary Macy, ‘Berengar’s Legacy as a Heresiarch,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom: Medieval Religion and the Eucharist (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1999), 59–80, Gary Macy, ‘The “Dogma of Transubstantiation” in the Middle Ages,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom, 82– 120; Paul J.J.M. Bakker, La raison et le miracle: Les doctrines eucharistiques (c. 1250-c. 1400): Contribution à l’étude des rapports entre philosophie et théologie, 2 vols. (Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1999), 1:156–66; Bakker begins his account with William of Auxerre.  Jorissen, Die Entfaltung, 25–44, 156. 304 Marcia L. Colish","PeriodicalId":153743,"journal":{"name":"The Summa Halensis","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2020-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Eucharist in Early Franciscan Tradition\",\"authors\":\"M. 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How the accidents of bread and wine can survive in the consecrated elements, since they are no longer subtended by the substance of bread and wine. Along with standard authorities, Alexander and William draw on some distinctive sources. These include Peter Lombard’s Collectanea, not always distinguished from the biblical Glossa ordinaria by Alexander’s and William’s editors; the semantic theory of Prepositinus of Cremona; and Innocent III’s treatise on the Mass, which defends the Real Presence as transubstantiation in a work otherwise devoted to the liturgy of the Mass. The paper emphasizes the shifting analyses given by Alexander across his two treatments of these questions, as well as those altered by William—moving from semantic to physical to mathematical argumentation—in support of positions on the Eucharist which they shared, but which the Summa Halensis does not adopt. Eucharistic theology has received no lack of attention from historians of scholasticism. Accenting philosophical explanations of the Real Presence doctrine after 1250, they tend to devalue earlier accounts as technically deficient or as confined to divine miracle. This study of Alexander of Hales, William of Melitona, and the Summa Halensis proposes a revaluation of early Franciscan contributions to two major Eucharistic debates. Theologians in their day offered three alternative theories to explain Christ’s Real Presence in the Eucharist. Alexander, William, and the authorities on whom they rely all support the transubstantiation theory and reject remanescence and annihilation. This position affected their approach to the second issue, accidents without a subject in the consecrated species. Sources available to Alexander and William in Latin, and their own ingenuity, informed the uses they make of the artes and philosophy. This paper will focus on the modes of argument they apply to these two controverted doctrines. The characterization of early Franciscans as disinclined to apply rational explanations to the Eucharist can be found even in studies that valorize learning in that OpenAccess. © 2020 Lydia Schumacher, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685008-018 order. Bert Roest begins with Bonaventure,1 as does David Burr. Burr’s early Franciscans join Eucharistic theologians whose view of their job ‘was not to prove the unprovable or explain the unexplainable’.2 While noting that, by 1330, the Franciscan defense of accidents without a subject had become ‘an immovable given of metaphysics’,3 William Duba gives no sense of its development before Duns Scotus. Marilyn Adams begins her survey with Aquinas, and is likewise uninterested in early scholastics on the topics she treats.4 As is well known, before and after the definition of the Real Presence as transubstantiation at Lateran IV in 1215, three theories were proposed to describe it. All were regarded as tenable within the western orthodox consensus.5 Historians have flagged the shift from a largely anti-heretical defense of the Real Presence to its reframing in Aristotelian terms. Indeed, it was the controversy launched by Berengarius of Tours in the 11 century that normalized the language of matter and form, substance and accident, in this context,6 Aristotelian terminology accessed by way of Boethius. A standard author in the Latin school curriculum, Boethius remained a major source for the philosophical arguments of Alexander and William as well, along with  Bert Roest, ‘“Franciscan Augustinianism”: Musings about Labels and Late Medieval School Formation,’ in Bert Roest, Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, c. 1226– 1650: Cum scientia sit donum Dei, armatura ad defendendam sanctam fidem catholicam..., The Medieval Franciscans, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 111–3, and this despite Roest’s vigorous defense of the acceptability of learning from Francis of Assisi onward in Bert Roest, ‘Francis of Assisi and the Pursuit of Learning,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 1– 18; Bert Roest, ‘The Franciscan School System: Re-assessing the Early Evidence,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 19–50; and Bert Roest, ‘Religious Life in the Franciscan School Network (13 Century),’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 51–82. The anthology De causalitate sacramentorum iuxta scholam franciscanum, ed. Willibrord Lampen (Bonn: Petrus Hanstein, 1931) is not of use in this paper; while the editor’s selections begin with the Summa Halensis (ascribing its authorship to Alexander) they do not treat the Eucharistic topics here discussed.  David Burr, Eucharistic Presence and Conversion in Late Thirteenth-Century Franciscan Thought, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 74/3 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1984), 6–7.  William O. Duba, The Forge of Doctrine: The Academic Year 1330–31 and the Rise of Scotism at the University of Paris, Studia Sententiarum, 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 150–3; quotation at 153.  Marilyn McCord Adams, Some Later Medieval Theories of the Eucharist: Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).  Hans Jorissen, Die Entfaltung der Transsubstantiationslehre bis zum Beginn der Hochscholastik, Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie, 28/1 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1965), 11– 154, 156; Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament according to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 3–5; Gary Macy, ‘Berengar’s Legacy as a Heresiarch,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom: Medieval Religion and the Eucharist (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1999), 59–80, Gary Macy, ‘The “Dogma of Transubstantiation” in the Middle Ages,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom, 82– 120; Paul J.J.M. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

,中世纪方济各会,10(莱顿:Brill, 2016), 111-3,尽管在Bert Roest,“阿西西的方济各和对学习的追求”中,在方济各会的学习,讲道和使命,1 - 18中,Roest对从阿西西的方济各那里学习的可接受性进行了有力的辩护;伯特·罗斯特,《方济各会学校系统:重新评估早期证据》,载于《方济各会的学习、讲道与使命》,19-50页;伯特·罗斯特,《方济各会学校网络中的宗教生活(13世纪)》,载于《方济各会的学习、讲道和使命》,第51-82期。选集De causalitate sacramentorum ixta scholam franciscanum,编。Willibrord Lampen(波恩:Petrus Hanstein, 1931)在本文中不使用;而编辑的选择开始与总结Halensis(归因于其作者亚历山大),他们不处理圣体主题在这里讨论。大卫·伯尔:《十三世纪晚期方济会思想中的圣体临在与皈依》,《美国哲学学会汇刊》,74/3(费城:美国哲学学会,1984),第6-7页。《教条的锻造:1330-31学年和巴黎大学苏格兰主义的兴起》,《Studia Sententiarum》,2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 150-3;报价153。玛丽莲·麦考德·亚当斯,一些中世纪后期的圣餐理论:托马斯·阿奎那,罗马的贾尔斯,邓斯·司各脱和奥卡姆的威廉(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2010)。<s:1>汉斯·乔瑞森:《论转化论的研究》,《哲学哲学的开始》,<s:1>科学哲学的开始》,Beiträge《神学》,28/1(科学哲学:Aschendorff, 1965), 11 - 154, 156;加里·梅西,《早期学术时期的圣餐神学:根据神学家对圣餐救赎功能的研究》,约1080-c。1220(牛津:克拉伦登出版社,1984),3-5;加里·梅西,《贝伦格尔作为异端的遗产》,载于《储藏室的宝藏:中世纪宗教和圣餐》(明尼苏达州,科利奇维尔:礼仪出版社,1999),59-80页;加里·梅西,《中世纪的“变形论教条”》,载于《储藏室的宝藏》,82 - 120页;保罗·j·j·m·巴克,《理性与奇迹:圣餐教义》(约1250-c)。(1400):贡献文件《<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>)》,2卷。(奈梅亨:奈梅亨天主教大学,1999),1:156-66;巴克从欧塞尔的威廉开始他的叙述。Jorissen, Die Entfaltung, 25 - 44,156。304马西娅·l·科利什
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Eucharist in Early Franciscan Tradition
This paper considers three questions on the Eucharist treated by Alexander of Hales in his Quaestiones disputatae antequam esset frater and Glossa on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and then by William of Melitona in his Quaestiones de sacramentis and, as the acknowledged author or complier of Book 4 of the Summa Halensis, in that text in its Cologne, 1622 edition: 1. Transubstantiation as the full substantial change of bread and wine on the altar into the body and blood of Christ as opposed to the remanescence and annihilation theories, the other two orthodox alternatives; 2. How two bodies can occupy the same space at the same time, although one of them, the glorified body of the resurrected Christ, is not held to be subject to the laws of physics governing natural bodies; and 3. How the accidents of bread and wine can survive in the consecrated elements, since they are no longer subtended by the substance of bread and wine. Along with standard authorities, Alexander and William draw on some distinctive sources. These include Peter Lombard’s Collectanea, not always distinguished from the biblical Glossa ordinaria by Alexander’s and William’s editors; the semantic theory of Prepositinus of Cremona; and Innocent III’s treatise on the Mass, which defends the Real Presence as transubstantiation in a work otherwise devoted to the liturgy of the Mass. The paper emphasizes the shifting analyses given by Alexander across his two treatments of these questions, as well as those altered by William—moving from semantic to physical to mathematical argumentation—in support of positions on the Eucharist which they shared, but which the Summa Halensis does not adopt. Eucharistic theology has received no lack of attention from historians of scholasticism. Accenting philosophical explanations of the Real Presence doctrine after 1250, they tend to devalue earlier accounts as technically deficient or as confined to divine miracle. This study of Alexander of Hales, William of Melitona, and the Summa Halensis proposes a revaluation of early Franciscan contributions to two major Eucharistic debates. Theologians in their day offered three alternative theories to explain Christ’s Real Presence in the Eucharist. Alexander, William, and the authorities on whom they rely all support the transubstantiation theory and reject remanescence and annihilation. This position affected their approach to the second issue, accidents without a subject in the consecrated species. Sources available to Alexander and William in Latin, and their own ingenuity, informed the uses they make of the artes and philosophy. This paper will focus on the modes of argument they apply to these two controverted doctrines. The characterization of early Franciscans as disinclined to apply rational explanations to the Eucharist can be found even in studies that valorize learning in that OpenAccess. © 2020 Lydia Schumacher, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685008-018 order. Bert Roest begins with Bonaventure,1 as does David Burr. Burr’s early Franciscans join Eucharistic theologians whose view of their job ‘was not to prove the unprovable or explain the unexplainable’.2 While noting that, by 1330, the Franciscan defense of accidents without a subject had become ‘an immovable given of metaphysics’,3 William Duba gives no sense of its development before Duns Scotus. Marilyn Adams begins her survey with Aquinas, and is likewise uninterested in early scholastics on the topics she treats.4 As is well known, before and after the definition of the Real Presence as transubstantiation at Lateran IV in 1215, three theories were proposed to describe it. All were regarded as tenable within the western orthodox consensus.5 Historians have flagged the shift from a largely anti-heretical defense of the Real Presence to its reframing in Aristotelian terms. Indeed, it was the controversy launched by Berengarius of Tours in the 11 century that normalized the language of matter and form, substance and accident, in this context,6 Aristotelian terminology accessed by way of Boethius. A standard author in the Latin school curriculum, Boethius remained a major source for the philosophical arguments of Alexander and William as well, along with  Bert Roest, ‘“Franciscan Augustinianism”: Musings about Labels and Late Medieval School Formation,’ in Bert Roest, Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, c. 1226– 1650: Cum scientia sit donum Dei, armatura ad defendendam sanctam fidem catholicam..., The Medieval Franciscans, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 111–3, and this despite Roest’s vigorous defense of the acceptability of learning from Francis of Assisi onward in Bert Roest, ‘Francis of Assisi and the Pursuit of Learning,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 1– 18; Bert Roest, ‘The Franciscan School System: Re-assessing the Early Evidence,’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 19–50; and Bert Roest, ‘Religious Life in the Franciscan School Network (13 Century),’ in Franciscan Learning, Preaching and Mission, 51–82. The anthology De causalitate sacramentorum iuxta scholam franciscanum, ed. Willibrord Lampen (Bonn: Petrus Hanstein, 1931) is not of use in this paper; while the editor’s selections begin with the Summa Halensis (ascribing its authorship to Alexander) they do not treat the Eucharistic topics here discussed.  David Burr, Eucharistic Presence and Conversion in Late Thirteenth-Century Franciscan Thought, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 74/3 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1984), 6–7.  William O. Duba, The Forge of Doctrine: The Academic Year 1330–31 and the Rise of Scotism at the University of Paris, Studia Sententiarum, 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 150–3; quotation at 153.  Marilyn McCord Adams, Some Later Medieval Theories of the Eucharist: Thomas Aquinas, Giles of Rome, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).  Hans Jorissen, Die Entfaltung der Transsubstantiationslehre bis zum Beginn der Hochscholastik, Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie, 28/1 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1965), 11– 154, 156; Gary Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period: A Study of the Salvific Function of the Sacrament according to the Theologians, c. 1080-c. 1220 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 3–5; Gary Macy, ‘Berengar’s Legacy as a Heresiarch,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom: Medieval Religion and the Eucharist (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1999), 59–80, Gary Macy, ‘The “Dogma of Transubstantiation” in the Middle Ages,’ in Treasures from the Storeroom, 82– 120; Paul J.J.M. Bakker, La raison et le miracle: Les doctrines eucharistiques (c. 1250-c. 1400): Contribution à l’étude des rapports entre philosophie et théologie, 2 vols. (Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1999), 1:156–66; Bakker begins his account with William of Auxerre.  Jorissen, Die Entfaltung, 25–44, 156. 304 Marcia L. Colish
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