结论

Stewart Mottram
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本章以一个案例研究作为开篇,评估了17世纪50年代早期新教改革对万圣堂博尔顿·珀西的布局和礼拜仪式的影响,当时诗人安德鲁·马维尔和他的赞助人,前议会军将军托马斯,费尔法克斯勋爵三世,都是教区居民。这一章探讨了托马斯·费尔法克斯是如何帮助保存波尔顿珀西教堂的彩色玻璃和其他特征的,尽管议会的法令指示摧毁教堂的偶像和图像,包括那些在窗户上的。然而,费尔法克斯对新教破坏圣像的厌恶与他的长老会信仰并存——如果不是因为这项研究揭示了从斯宾塞到马维尔等其他公开的清教徒作家对宗教暴力和废墟创作的类似矛盾心理,这种结合可能会让人感到惊讶。这一章继续探讨劳德派护教者彼得·海林对伊丽莎白教会宗教保守主义的认同,他反对宗教改革史学的惯例,认为绝不是劳德派试图减缓改革的步伐让17世纪的教会回归伊丽莎白时代的严肃。近代早期作家对宗教改革暴力形式的矛盾心理,更指向了一种反圣像破坏的传统,这种传统在英国新教形成的世纪中是固有的——这表明劳德对新教圣像破坏的反对并不像宗教改革历史学家迄今所认为的那样“前卫”。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Conclusion
This chapter opens with a case study, assessing the impact of a century of protestant reforms on the layout and liturgy of the parish church of All Saints’, Bolton Percy, in the early 1650s—a time when both the poet, Andrew Marvell, and his patron, the former lord general of the parliamentary army, Thomas, third lord Fairfax, were parishioners. The chapter explores how Thomas Fairfax had helped preserve the stained glass and other features of Bolton Percy church, in spite of parliamentary ordinances directing the destruction of church idols and images, including those in windows. Yet Fairfax’s distaste for forms of protestant iconoclasm nevertheless co-existed with his presbyterian beliefs—a conjunction that may seem surprising, were it not for the fact that this study has uncovered a similar ambivalence towards religious violence and ruin creation in other avowedly puritan writers, from Spenser to Marvell. The chapter goes on to explore the Laudian apologist, Peter Heylyn’s identification with the religious conservatism of the Elizabethan church, arguing against the conventions of reformation historiography by suggesting that it was by no means only Laudians who sought to slow the pace of reformation and return the seventeenth-century church to the sobrieties of the Elizabethan settlement. The ambivalence of writers across the early modern period towards forms of reformation violence points rather to an anti-iconoclastic tradition that was indigenous to English protestantism in its formative century—suggesting that Laudian opposition to protestant iconoclasm was less ‘avant-garde’ than reformation historians have hitherto suggested.
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