邦德诉弗洛伊德案和党派不公正划分的表达性禁令

T. Smith
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引用次数: 2

摘要

根据第一修正案重新定义不公正划分选区的努力一直是零星的和不成熟的。借鉴威斯康辛州和马里兰州悬而未决的诉讼,本文试图填补第一修正案关于党派不公正划分的理论空白。根据最高法院在Bond v. Floyd案中的判决,文章认为,不公正地划分选区不应被理解为一种数字上的代表性损害。这是一种内容歧视,其目的是在自治过程中消除某些观点,就像乔治亚州众议院拒绝民权领袖朱利安·邦德(Julian Bond)的席位一样,因为他对越南战争的看法。这种对党派不公正划分的危害的重新定义,反过来又扩大了与证明违反宪法有关的证据。最值得注意的是,司法管辖区和/或立法机构中政治两极分化的证据揭示了压制某些党派观点的动机和这种压制的危害,本条认为这是一种审议性而不是数量上的危害。严重党派分化的证据,加上系统性地浪费持反对观点者选票的证据(又称“效率差距”),暗示了第一修正案对思想、表达和结社自由的基本保障。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Bond v. Floyd and Expressive Proscriptions on the Partisan Gerrymander
Efforts to reframe the gerrymandering debate in First Amendment terms have been sporadic and half-baked. Drawing on pending litigation in Wisconsin and Maryland, this Article attempts to fill voids in First Amendment theory vis-a-vis the partisan gerrymander. Relying on the Supreme Court’s decision in Bond v. Floyd, the Article argues that gerrymandering should be understood as more than a numeric representational injury. It is instead, or in addition, content discrimination the objective of which is to eliminate certain views from the process of self-governance in much the same fashion as the Georgia House of Representatives refused to seat civil rights leader Julian Bond due to his views on the Vietnam War. This reconceptualization of the harm of the partisan gerrymander in turn expands the body of evidence germane to proving a constitutional violation. Most notably, evidence of political polarization in a jurisdiction and/or a legislative body sheds light on both the motive for suppressing certain partisan viewpoints and the harm of such suppression, which this Article conceives as a deliberative rather than a numerical harm. Evidence of severe partisan polarization in conjunction with proof of systemic efforts to waste the votes of those harboring disfavored viewpoints (aka the “efficiency gap”) implicate the First Amendment’s basic guarantees of free thought, expression and association.
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