美德高于党派:塞缪尔·兰德尔的选举英雄主义及其持续的重要性

E. Foley
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摘要

2012年9月14日在加州大学欧文分校举行的“狐狸、鸡舍和委员会:评估选举管理、重新划分选区和竞选资金中的无党派模式”研讨会的主题演讲有三个部分。首先,它解释了为什么制度改革虽然是必要的,但本身并不足以实现对选举过程的公正治理,以符合公众利益。相反,机构改革必须辅以适当的无党派政治美德,以追求公共利益,代表民选和任命的负责管理选举过程的官员。其次,为了说明这种选举美德,本文的中间(也是主要)部分讲述了塞缪尔·兰德尔(Samuel Randall)在1877年3月1日担任美国众议院议长的行为,这是在有争议的海耶斯-蒂尔登总统选举的关键高潮时刻,这一故事基本上被遗忘了,但意义重大。正如目击者所理解的那样,兰德尔对自己党内强硬派的抵制,避免了国会在3月4日新总统就职的最后期限前无法完成选举人票计票的风险。此外,如果3月4日到来时,海斯和蒂尔登都声称总司令的权威是基于对选举计票不完整的宪法后果的不同解释,那么这个国家将遭受一场真正严重的宪法危机。因此,兰德尔为防止发生宪法危机的可能性而采取的无党派行为是“选举勇气的典范”,当代和未来的政治家都可以效仿(如果他们也被置于必须在党派和公共利益之间做出选择的位置)。本文的第三部分(也是最后一部分)简要探讨了在学校和更广泛的文化中,公民教育如何能够援引这种和类似的选举美德的例子,以努力培养一种更有可能出现其他“选举勇气的形象”的氛围。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Virtue Over Party: Samuel Randall's Electoral Heroism and Its Continuing Importance
This keynote address for the symposium on “Foxes, Henhouses, and Commissions: Assessing the Nonpartisan Model in Election Administration, Redistricting, and Campaign Finance,” at UC Irvine on September 14, 2012 has three parts. First, it explains why institutional reform, while necessary, is not by itself sufficient to achieve impartial governance of the electoral process in the public interest. Instead, institutional reform must be supplemented by an adequate measure of nonpartisan political virtue, in pursuit of the public interest, on behalf of elected and appointed officials responsible for the governance of the electoral process. Second, to illustrate this kind of electoral virtue, the middle (and main) part of this essay tells the largely forgotten — but highly significant — story of Samuel Randall’s conduct as Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives on March 1, 1877, at the crucial climactic moment of the disputed Hayes-Tilden presidential election. As eyewitnesses understood, Randall’s resistance to hardliners within his own party averted the risk that the congressional counting of Electoral Votes would not be complete for the March 4 deadline for inaugurating the new president. Moreover, if March 4 had arrived with both Hayes and Tilden claiming the authority of Commander-in-Chief based on different interpretations of the constitutional consequences of an incomplete Electoral Count, the nation would have suffered a genuinely severe constitutional crisis. Therefore, Randall’s nonpartisan conduct to prevent the possibility of that constitutional crisis serves as an exemplary “profile in electoral courage,” to which contemporary and future politicians can aspire (if they, too, are put in a position where they must choose between partisanship and the public good when making a decision about the governance of the electoral process). The third (and final) part of the essay briefly explores how civics education, both in schools and in the culture more broadly, can invoke this and similar examples of electoral virtue, in an effort to cultivate an atmosphere in which other “profiles in electoral courage” are more likely to occur.
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