独立以来的种姓制度

Alexander Lee
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引用次数: 0

摘要

当殖民地人口普查官员终于开始同意种姓请愿者的要求时,英国在印度的统治显然已接近尾声——事实上,种姓协会在选举中的许多博弈都是为了填补印度统治衰落所开辟的政治空间。印度的独立改变了国家机构对种姓制度的正式态度,从好奇变成了尖锐的敌意,政治制度也从好奇的殖民混合制度变成了普选的民主制度。随着时间的推移,独立后国家的政策也将改变社会群体之间的财富和教育分配。在这几十年里,种姓身份的发展呈现出一幅矛盾的画面。一方面,很明显,某些在殖民时期很重要的种姓身份的公开表达正在急剧下降。印度的精英舆论,至少在公开场合,已经转而反对种姓制度,认为它是社会和政治不平等的合法理由,甚至是一种合法的社会亲和力或智力分析的对象。人口普查不再统计贾提人的人口,这不仅使其不再是公众争论的焦点,而且极大地限制了我们对这一时期做出可靠的定量概括的能力。贱民制度曾经几乎是普遍存在的,但现在已经急剧下降,尤其是在城市地区。低种姓候选人经常赢得选举职位,高种姓选民经常争取低种姓的支持,他们知道他们不能把这视为理所当然。宣称拥有高种姓地位的正式广告也比以前少得多;如果说有什么不同的话,那就是种姓声称自己“落后”更常见了。另一方面,尽管独立一代的一些改革者抱有希望,但种姓显然没有消失——事实上,在某些方面,种姓身份现在似乎比殖民时期更加突出。在20世纪90年代,明显以种姓为基础的政党在一些北方邦的选举中取得了成功,而关于预留名额和公共就业中以种姓为基础的配额的争议使种姓成为政治争论中更引人注目的因素,就像20世纪50年代和60年代那样。种姓协会仍然很突出,仍然涉足选举政治,并为种姓的社会改善开展运动。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Caste since Independence
At the time the colonial census officials finally began to accede to the demands of the caste petitioners, British rule in India was clearly nearing its close – indeed, much of the electoral jockeying of the caste associations was bent on filling the political space that the decline of the Raj opened up. India's independence changed the formal attitude of state institutions towards the caste system from curiosity to strident hostility, and the political system from a curious colonial hybrid to a democracy with universal suffrage. Over time, the policies of the post-independence state would also change the distribution of wealth and education among social groups. The development of caste identities during these decades presents a paradoxical picture. On the one hand, it was clear that certain public expressions of caste identity that had been important in the colonial period were in precipitous decline. Elite opinion in India, at least in public, has turned against the caste hierarchy as a legitimator for social and political inequality, and even as a legitimate social affinity or object of intellectual analysis. The census no longer tabulates jati populations, both eliminating it as a focus for public contestation and dramatically limiting our ability to make reliable quantitative generalizations about this period compared to the one before. The practice of untouchability, once nearly universal, has undergone a precipitous decline, especially in urban areas. Lower caste candidates routinely win elected office, and upper caste voters routinely court lower caste support, which they know they cannot take for granted. The formal advertisement of claims to high caste status is also much less common than it once was; if anything, it is now more common for castes to claim to be ‘backward’. On the other hand, despite the hopes of some reformers of the independence generation, it is clear that caste has not withered away – in fact, in some respects, caste identities appear more salient now than they were in the colonial period. During the 1990s, explicitly caste-based political parties became electorally successful in some northern states, and the controversy over caste-based quotas in reservation and public employment made caste a more noticeable element of political contention it had been in the 1950s and 1960s. Caste associations remain prominent, still dabbling in electoral politics and conducting campaigns for the social betterment of the caste.
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