价值观的革命和自由民主的危机

Ben Whitham
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引用次数: 0

摘要

全球政治经济学(GPE)的一个值得更认真的学术关注的领域是杰索普(2010)所说的“文化政治经济学”(CPE)。本文通过对全球“价值”政治中意义的生产和交换(符号学)的探索,将GPE和CPE联系起来。这一探索的出发点是GPE中一系列重叠的危机。从大衰退到全球COVID-19大流行,这些危机往往与危险的新反动势力的崛起有关。阴谋主义极右翼和日益专制的中右翼运动继续占据优势。与此同时,一个自称为“中间派”的(新)自由主义者谴责这种“民粹主义的兴起”,哀叹这种对自由民主本身的强烈反对。本文通过贝尔·胡克斯的文化理论,对当前的经济危机提供了一种新颖的解读。具体来说,胡克斯([1984]2000)将“白人至上主义资本主义父权制”认定为真正的西方社会模式,她对20世纪90年代政治经济危机的分析,以及她对马丁·路德·金“价值革命”概念的发展,都对解释当前危机和探索当今进步政治的潜力至关重要。有人认为,将“自由民主”重新定义为白人至上主义的资本主义父权制,可以带来许多进一步的见解。特别是,这种分析使我们能够将我们的当前时刻理解为真正进步的价值观(包括反种族主义、反资本主义和女权主义价值观)与(新)自由主义和极右翼的共同倒退和反动价值观之间的对抗。这篇文章的目的是,用斯图尔特·霍尔(Stuart Hall)的葛兰西分析的术语来说,“不同的力量是如何结合在一起,以创造新的领域,在这个领域上,一种不同的政治必须形成”(霍尔,1987:16)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The revolution of values and the crisis of liberal democracy
One domain of global political economy (GPE) that warrants more serious scholarly attention is the plane of what Jessop (2010) calls ‘cultural political economy’ (CPE). This article connects GPE and CPE, through an exploration of the production and exchange of meaning (semiosis) in the global politics of ‘values’. The point of departure for this exploration is a series of overlapping crises in GPE. From the Great Recession to the global COVID-19 pandemic, these crises are often associated with the rise of dangerous new reactionary forces. Conspiracist far-right and increasingly authoritarian centre-right movements continue their ascendancy. Meanwhile, a (neo)liberal self-proclaimed ‘centre’ decries this ‘rise of populisms’, lamenting a perceived backlash against liberal democracy itself. This article offers a novel reading of the present conjunctural crisis, through the cultural theory of bell hooks. Specifically, hooks’ ([1984] 2000) identification of ‘white supremacist capitalist patriarchy’ as the real Western social model, her analyses of the political-economic crises of the 1990s and her development of Martin Luther King’s notion of a ‘revolution of values’ are all crucial to explaining the present crisis, and exploring the potential of progressive politics today. Reframing ‘liberal democracy’ as white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, it is argued, enables a number of further insights. In particular, this analysis allows us to understand our present moment as a confrontation between truly progressive values – including anti-racist, anti-capitalist and feminist values – and what turn out to be the shared regressive and reactionary values of (neo)liberalism and the far right. The aim of the article is to show, in the terms of Stuart Hall’s Gramscian analysis, ‘how different forces come together, conjuncturally, to create the new terrain, on which a different politics must form up’ (Hall, 1987: 16).
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