复兴竞赛:冷战时期的韩国如何塑造了美国福音派帝国

Chan-hee Heo
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Writing about the early twentieth century he notes that “The inflow of immigrants created a backlash among native-born Americans, whose wages sometimes fell as the labor pool expanded and who often found the cultural habits the newcomers brought to be disturbing and even threating. In this way immigration affected domestic American politics” (123). This point is often echoed today. For all the praise that this volume deserves, it has some shortcomings not least of which is the author’s decision to stop in 2015. This overlooks the presidency of Donald Trump, which in many ways upended the patterns of U.S. foreign policy at this latest age. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

无论正确与否,都将危机归咎于美国,而这反过来又为中国的实力扩张提供了机会。在许多方面,我们仍然生活在当时所做决定的影响之下。本书另一个值得强调的主题是战争在美国发展中所起的重要作用。这个国家是由于与它的殖民主子英国的战争而开始的,战争仍然是影响美国发展、权力和声望的一个重要变量。此外,移民和移民对美国发展的作用也不容忽视。曼德尔鲍姆对19世纪60年代到20世纪初这个国家的移民问题的讨论听起来奇怪地熟悉,因为这个问题在当时和现在的国内政治中所起的作用。在描写20世纪早期时,他指出,“移民的流入在本土出生的美国人中引起了强烈的反弹,随着劳动力储备的扩大,他们的工资有时会下降,他们经常发现新来者带来的文化习惯令人不安,甚至具有威胁性。”移民就这样影响了美国国内政治”(123)。这一点今天经常被重复。尽管这本书值得称赞,但它也有一些缺点,尤其是作者决定在2015年停止写作。这忽略了唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的总统任期,他在很多方面颠覆了这个时代美国外交政策的模式。曼德尔鲍姆为我们提供了一些关于特朗普政府和美国作为“超级大国”发展的当前阶段的诱人线索,声称“美国发现自己在2015年进入了一个新的外交政策时代,这是250年来的第五个时代”(457),但他没有暗示这些不仅对美国,而且对国际体系可能意味着什么。另一个批评,不可否认是一个次要的批评,认为作者所做的一些决定包括或排除什么。例如,虽然他对美国早期以及后来发展时期的条约进行了记录,为我们提供了美国与其他国家和群体(包括土著人民)关系的完整评估,但他忽略了1948年以色列建国的讨论,以及美国对以色列建国的支持,这极大地改变了中东的动态,我觉得这一遗漏很奇怪。他后来在书中谈到该地区的问题时提到了这一点,构建了建国的框架,杜鲁门以牺牲巴勒斯坦国为代价支持建国,这在很大程度上解释了自那以后该地区的动荡,以及美国对两国解决方案的政策立场的变化以及任何一位总统想要在该地区投入多少政治资本,无论是出于国内还是全球的原因。对于任何对美国外交政策发展感兴趣的人来说,无论是学生本身,还是感兴趣的外行,这本全面的叙述都很容易理解。它提供了重要的见解,有助于构建和理解这个国家从一个弱国到一个强国的演变,以及这对美国,特别是对整个国际体系意味着什么。最重要的是,它对记录和理解美国外交政策做出了重大贡献。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Race for Revival: How Cold War South Korean Shaped the American Evangelical Empire
had of the United States which rightly or not, attributed the crisis to this country and that in turn helped allow for the expansion of China’s power. In many ways, we are still living with the impact of decisions made at that time. Another theme in this volume that is worth highlighting is the important role that war has played on the development of the United States. This country started because of war with its colonial master, Britain, and war remained an important variable influencing the growth and also power and prestige of the United States. Also, the role of immigration and immigrants on the development of the United States cannot be overlooked. Mandelbaum’s discussion of immigration in this country from the 1860s to the early twentieth century sounds oddly familiar for the role that this issue played on domestic politics then and now. Writing about the early twentieth century he notes that “The inflow of immigrants created a backlash among native-born Americans, whose wages sometimes fell as the labor pool expanded and who often found the cultural habits the newcomers brought to be disturbing and even threating. In this way immigration affected domestic American politics” (123). This point is often echoed today. For all the praise that this volume deserves, it has some shortcomings not least of which is the author’s decision to stop in 2015. This overlooks the presidency of Donald Trump, which in many ways upended the patterns of U.S. foreign policy at this latest age. Mandelbaum gives us some tantalizing clues about the Trump administration and the current stage of U.S development as a “hyperpower,” claiming that “the United States found itself, in 2015, in a new era of foreign policy, the fifth in 250 years” (457), but he does not hint at what these might be or mean not only for this country, but also for the international system. Another critique, and admittedly it is a minor one, regards some of the decisions that the author made as to what to include or exclude. For example, while his documentation of treaties in the early years as well as much later in the country’s development gives us a complete assessment of U.S. relations with other countries and groups, including the native peoples, he omits a discussion of the founding of the state of Israel in 1948 and the U.S. support for the creation of that state which significantly altered the dynamics of the Middle East, an omission that I find curious. While he references this later on in the book as he discusses issues about the region, framing the creation of that state, and Truman’s support for it at the expense of a Palestinian state explains a great deal about the turmoil in the region since then, as well as the changing U.S. policy positions about a two-state solution and how much political capital any president would want to invest in the region for domestic as well as global reasons. This comprehensive narrative is easily accessible to anyone interested in the development of U.S. foreign policy, whether a student per se, or an interested layman. It offers important insights that help frame and make comprehensible the evolution of this country from a weak to a great power, and what that means both for the U.S. and especially for the international system as a whole. Most important, it makes a significant contribution to the documentation and understanding of American foreign policy.
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