美国跨国公司的社会责任趋势:权力增加,责任减少?

Cynthia A. Williams, J. Conley
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引用次数: 4

摘要

这篇特邀文章的目的是根据几个正在进行的趋势来评估美国跨国公司的企业社会责任绩效的未来。这些趋势包括企业自愿的企业社会责任计划,以及几乎每个行业都在发展的负责任企业活动的全球自我监管标准。此外,在联合国查明跨国公司在国际人权方面的责任的长达十年的项目,最终由特别代表约翰·鲁吉带头,第一次确立了全球对负责任的公司活动的期望。然而,与此同时,美国的法律发展可能正朝着相反的方向发展,即企业权力的增加和责任的减少。突出这一反趋势的两项法律发展将构成本次讨论的框架。第一,最高法院在“联合公民诉联邦选举委员会”案(558 U.S. 310(2010))中作出的裁决承认,企业有宪法权利为各种竞选活动提供财政支持,包括使用企业资金支付和播放特定候选人的广告。其结果是允许美国公司进一步巩固其已经相当强大的政治权力。第二,美国第二巡回上诉法院在Kiobel诉荷兰皇家石油案中的意见,621 F.3d 111(2010年2月),reh 'g banc驳回,642 F.3d 379(2011年),aff, 569 U.S. __, 133 S. Ct.1659(2010年4月)。根据《外国侵权法》,荷兰皇家壳牌公司的雇员涉嫌侵犯尼日利亚社区成员的国际人权,否认可能需要承担公司责任。以2比1的多数表决结果认为,违反国际法的行为只能针对自然人或国家。最高法院于2013年4月17日批准了调卷,并在一项裁决中一致维持了第二巡回法院的判决。最高法院的五名法官的意见认为,ATS不能用于纠正在美国领土以外发生的违反国家法律的行为,除非在Kiobel案中没有发现特殊情况。多数意见和合议意见都没有涉及公司责任问题,这意味着第二巡回法院对该问题的裁决仍然是第二巡回法院的法律——考虑到第二巡回法院作为ATS案件审理地的重要性,这是一个重要的结果。综上所述,第二巡回法院拒绝公司对侵犯人权行为承担责任,以及最高法院拒绝对任何被告、公司或其他被告适用《反诉法》的总体影响是,根据《反诉法》,公司对国际侵犯人权行为的法律责任被实质性地剥夺了。在理论层面上,这些决定传达了关于企业人格和身份的复杂信息。但在实际层面上,这两项决定不幸地同时发挥作用,增加了美国企业在国内已经相当大的政治权力,同时降低了它们在海外的行为需要承担法律责任的风险。通过这样做,他们缩小了法律的阴影——“硬”法律监管的威胁——这一直是采用自愿的“软法”企业社会责任标准的重要动机。因此,这些法律上的发展,虽然表面上与企业社会责任活动的自愿追求无关,但实际上可能对企业社会责任活动起到抑制作用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Trends in the Social [Ir]Responsibility of American Multinational Corporations: Increased Power, Diminished Accountability?
The purpose of this invited essay is to assess the future of the CSR performance of American multinationals in light of several ongoing trends. These trends include companies’ voluntary CSR programs and the global self-regulatory standards for responsible company activities that are developing in almost every industry. Moreover, the decade-long project at the United Nations to identify multinational companies’ responsibilities with respect to international human rights, ultimately spearheaded by Special Representative John Ruggie, has for the first time established global expectations of responsible corporate activity. At the same time, however, legal developments in the United States may be trending in the opposite direction, toward increased power and diminished accountability for corporations. Two legal developments that highlight this counter-trend will frame this discussion. The first, the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010) recognizes a constitutional right for corporations to give financial support to a wide range of electioneering activities, including by using corporate funds to pay for and broadcast advertisements for specific candidates for office. The effect is to allow American companies to further consolidate their already substantial political power. The second, the opinion by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum, 621 F.3d 111 (2d Cir. 2010), reh’g en banc denied, 642 F.3d 379 (2011), aff’d, 569 U.S. __ , 133 S. Ct.1659(Apr. 17, 2013), denied the possibility of corporate liability under the Alien Tort Statute for Royal Dutch Shell’s employees’ alleged violations of Nigerian community members’ international human rights. A 2-1 majority held instead that violations of international law could only be asserted against natural persons or nations. The Supreme Court granted certiorari and in a decision handed down on April 17, 2013, the Court unanimously affirmed the judgment of the Second Circuit. The five-Justice opinion of the Court held that the ATS cannot be used to redress violations of the law of nations that occur outside the territory of the United States, except in exceptional circumstances not found in Kiobel. Neither the majority opinion nor the concurrence addressed the corporate liability issue, which means that the Second Circuit’s ruling on that issue remains the law of the Second Circuit — an important outcome, given the significance of the Second Circuit as a venue for ATS cases. Taken together, the overall effect of the Second Circuit’s rejection of corporate liability for human rights violations and the Supreme Court’s rejection of exterritorial application of the ATS to any defendant, corporate or otherwise, is the substantial evisceration of companies’ legal accountability for international human rights violations under the ATS. On a theoretical level, these decisions send mixed messages about corporate personhood and identity. But on a practical level, the two decisions work in unfortunate concert to increase the already considerable political power of U.S. corporations at home, even as they reduce the risk of legal accountability for their actions abroad. By doing so, they shrink the shadow of the law — the threat of "hard" legal regulation — that has been an important incentive to the adoption of voluntary, "soft-law" CSR standards. Thus, these legal developments, though ostensibly unrelated to the voluntary pursuit of CSR activity, may in fact act as a disincentive to that activity.
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