从“臣民到公民”?历史、身份与少数民族公民权:以埃塞俄比亚西部的毛族和科莫族为例

Alexander Meckelburg
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引用次数: 4

摘要

多元文化的现实。因此,关于领土所有权的冲突已成为新区域政治权力谈判的一个显著特征。联邦的边界变成了地方州之间有争议的空间。正如我们在贝吉的伯塔-奥罗莫冲突中所看到的那样,联邦边界是多数群体对领土要求的产物。另一方面,分散的少数民族必须通过这些边界来协商他们的政治机构,这实际上限制了他们在当前联邦框架中的有效代表权。44 .第4款规定了自决直至分离的权利。这是埃塞俄比亚种族与发展相互作用的另一种模式,在这里必须略去。45理查德·亚伍德:《公民身份:地理学的关键思想》(伦敦-纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2013),第18页。46关于领土自治和种族冲突概念的有趣批判,见Shaheen Mozaffar和James R. Scarrit,“为什么领土自治不是非洲多元社会中管理种族冲突的可行选择”,载于多元社会中的身份和领土自治,主编Ramón Máiz和Safran William(纽约:Routledge出版社,2000),230-53页。47约纳坦·特斯法耶·费沙,范德贝肯,《民族联邦制与国内少数民族》。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
From “Subject to Citizen”? History, Identity and Minority Citizenship: The Case of the Mao and Komo of Western Ethiopia
ion of multi-cultural realities. Accordingly, conflicts over ownership of territory have become a noticeable feature of the negotiations of political power in the new regions. The federal boundaries became contested spaces between regional states. As we have seen in the case of the Berta Oromo confrontation over Begi, federal boundaries are the product of majority groups’ claims over territory. The dispersed minorities on the other hand have to negotiate their political agency across these boundaries, which, in fact limits their effective representation in the current federal framework. 44 Paragraph four provides for the right to self-determination up to secession. This is yet another pattern of the interplay of ethnicity and development in Ethiopia and has to be omitted here. 45 Richard Yarwood, Citizenship, Key Ideas in Geography (London – New York: Routledge, 2013), 18. 46 For an interesting critique of the concept of territorial autonomy and ethnic conflicts, see Shaheen Mozaffar and James R. Scarrit, ‘Why Territorial Autonomy Is Not a Viable Option for Managing Ethnic Conflict in African Plural Societies’, in Identity and Territorial Autonomy in Plural Societies, ed. Ramón Máiz and Safran William (New York: Routledge, 2000), 230–53. 47 Yonatan Tesfaye Fessha and van der Beken, ‘Ethnic Federalism and Internal Minorities’.
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