Côte科特迪瓦:军队、统治精英和政治权力

S. A. Akindes
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引用次数: 0

摘要

科特迪瓦军队一直被限制在军营里,直到1999年12月24日他们发动了一场政变。他们在维持f - 1 - 0 - 1的统治方面发挥了重要作用,其特点是他们积极参与的深厚的庇护文化。在法国殖民主义利用科特迪瓦士兵保卫他们所征服的领土之后,科特迪瓦军队在成立后成为新生的科特迪瓦资产阶级,即与国家有联系的种植园主和企业家阶级的形成的关键因素。Houphouët-Boigny不愿意资助军队,因为他不相信他们对他的忠诚。他更愿意把重点放在教育、卫生和基础设施上,认为没有外部威胁到这个国家。结果,科特迪瓦军队被忽视,装备简陋,训练不足。军队、统治精英和国家之间存在着复杂的关系。1995年,当baoul精英和他们的新领导人b didi开始失去对权力的控制,并面临与瓦塔拉认同的北方精英的竞争时,他们求助于科特迪瓦可疑的意识形态来巩固他们的阶级地位。权力的平衡在种族化和相互竞争的统治精英成员之间迅速转移,他们没有准备好谈判自己将种族、归属感和权力的自治工具化所带来的后果。2002年,一场失败的叛乱将国家一分为二。萎缩的军队无法承担维持国家统一的基本职责。随着民兵、叛乱、叛乱和帮派在全国各地如雨后春笋般涌现,并为争夺国家的一部分而战,暴力成为他们推进政治议程的首选策略,直到2010年举行选举。没有战争,也没有和平,直到不承认自己失败的巴博在2011年被武力推翻。2011年4月1日,法国在联合国驻Côte科特迪瓦行动(unci)的协助下,以多边主义的名义进行军事干预,使瓦塔拉的军队得以抓获巴博。文章将其置于长期居留期限的背景下,分析了法国军事基地及其专家和士兵的长期存在——根据1961年与法国政府签署的一项协议Houphouët-Boigny——如何从1960年独立到2011年战争期间,对Côte科特迪瓦的军民关系构成了强大的威慑和决定因素。法国军队的存在、新生力量(Forces Nouvelles)的武装叛乱以及军事力量的薄弱,使得维持“消极”和平成为可能,这种和平不仅重塑了阶级结构,而且使食利者国家得以维持,成为财富创造和分配的中心机构。当地统治精英对法国利益的忠诚对维持稳定的军民关系至关重要。只要少数民族派系、政党和地方精英能够将他们的利益与强大的法国利益结合起来,稳定的表象就会占上风,军队对科特迪瓦政治的直接影响就会继续减少。一旦这种脆弱的平衡被打破,统治精英之间重新开始争夺主导权的内部斗争,这个国家可能会陷入混乱,尤其是如果瓦塔拉2011年上台后开始的和解进程没有产生切实的结果,如果水平不平等继续存在的话。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Côte d’Ivoire: The Military, Ruling Elites, and Political Power
The Ivorian military remained confined to their barracks until December 24, 1999, when they staged a coup d’état. They had been instrumental in sustaining Félix Houphouët-Boigny’s rule, characterized by a deep culture of patronage in which they actively participated. After French colonialism used Ivorian soldiers in securing the territories they conquered, the Ivorian army, after its creation, became a pivotal element in the creation of the nascent Ivorian bourgeoisie, a class of planteurs (plantation owners) and entrepreneurs linked to the State. Houphouët-Boigny was unwilling to fund the army because he did not trust their loyalty to him. He preferred to focus on education, health, and infrastructure, arguing no external was threatening the country. As a consequence, the Ivorian military was neglected, poorly equipped, and inadequately trained. Complex relations have existed between the military, the ruling elites, and the state. In 1995, when the Baoulé elites and their new leader, Bédié, began losing their grip on power and faced competition from Northern elites that identified with Ouattara, they resorted to the dubious ideology of Ivoirité to consolidate their class position. The balance of power was shifting swiftly among ethnicized and competing members of ruling elites, ill-prepared to negotiate the fallout from their own instrumentalization of ethnicity, belonging, and autochthony for power. In 2002, a failed rebellion divided the country in two. The atrophied military could not assume their fundamental duties of keeping the country together. As militias, insurgencies, rebellions, and gangs mushroomed across the country and fought for a piece of the state, violence became their preferred strategy to advance political agendas until elections were organized in 2010. A situation of no war and no peace ensued until Laurent Gbagbo, who did not recognize his defeat, was removed from power by force in 2011. The French, with the assistance of the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) in a semblance of multilateralism, intervened militarily to allow Ouattara’s troops to capture Gbagbo on April 1, 2011. Placed within a context of longue durée, an analysis is provided of how the long presence of the French military base and their experts and soldiers, under an agreement Houphouët-Boigny signed with the French government in 1961, has been a powerful deterrent and determinant of civil–military relations in Côte d’Ivoire, from independence in 1960 to the 2011 war. The presence of the French army, the Forces Nouvelles’ armed insurrection, and the weakness of the military have made possible the preservation of a “negative” peace, one that not only reshaped the class structure, but also enabled the preservation of the rentier state as the central institution in the creation and distribution of wealth. The loyalty of local ruling elites to French interests mattered significantly in the preservation of stable civil–military relations. As long as ethno-factions, political parties, and local elites are able to align their interests with powerful French interests, a semblance of stability will prevail and the military will continue exerting a reduced direct impact on Ivorian politics. As soon as that fragile equilibrium ruptures and a renewed internal struggle for primacy among ruling elites erupts, the country may descend into chaos, especially if the reconciliation process, engaged after Ouattara took power in 2011, does not yield tangible results, and if horizontal inequalities persist.
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