如果不是现在,会是什么时候?在TCJA之后,美国与拉丁美洲的税收协定

R. Avi-Yonah
{"title":"如果不是现在,会是什么时候?在TCJA之后,美国与拉丁美洲的税收协定","authors":"R. Avi-Yonah","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3382208","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1990s, the US tax treaty network has expanded to include most large developing countries. However, there remains a glaring exception: The US only has two tax treaties in Latin America (Mexico and Venezuela), and one pending tax treaty (Chile). The traditional explanation for why the US has no treaty with, for example, Argentina or Brazil is the US refusal since 1957 to grant tax sparing credits to developing countries. Before the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (TCJA), this explanation was wrong, because the combination of deferral and cross-crediting meant that tax holidays in a source country would not lead to a shift in revenues to a residence country even without tax sparing. This traditional view needs however to be updated given TCJA. On the one hand, there is now an exemption for direct dividends, so that the traditional rationale for not entering into treaties is gone. On the other hand, GILTI means that deferral is abolished and to the extent the income of a CFC exceeds the GILTI threshold there can in fact be a transfer of revenue to the US. Nevertheless, I believe that Latin American countries should enter into treaties with the US, for three reasons. First, cross-crediting still means that even with GILTI there may not be a revenue shift. Second, there are good reasons to enter into treaties even with a revenue shift, such as attracting FDI and limiting tax evasion. Third, Latin American countries are increasingly capital exporters, and the absence of a treaty hurts their multinationals. Finally, now is an opportunity, because the entire US treaty network needs to be updated to take account of TCJA.","PeriodicalId":415088,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Law & Economics: Law Faculty Papers (Topic)","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"If Not Now, When? US Tax Treaties with Latin America after TCJA\",\"authors\":\"R. Avi-Yonah\",\"doi\":\"10.2139/SSRN.3382208\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Since the 1990s, the US tax treaty network has expanded to include most large developing countries. However, there remains a glaring exception: The US only has two tax treaties in Latin America (Mexico and Venezuela), and one pending tax treaty (Chile). The traditional explanation for why the US has no treaty with, for example, Argentina or Brazil is the US refusal since 1957 to grant tax sparing credits to developing countries. Before the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (TCJA), this explanation was wrong, because the combination of deferral and cross-crediting meant that tax holidays in a source country would not lead to a shift in revenues to a residence country even without tax sparing. This traditional view needs however to be updated given TCJA. On the one hand, there is now an exemption for direct dividends, so that the traditional rationale for not entering into treaties is gone. On the other hand, GILTI means that deferral is abolished and to the extent the income of a CFC exceeds the GILTI threshold there can in fact be a transfer of revenue to the US. Nevertheless, I believe that Latin American countries should enter into treaties with the US, for three reasons. First, cross-crediting still means that even with GILTI there may not be a revenue shift. Second, there are good reasons to enter into treaties even with a revenue shift, such as attracting FDI and limiting tax evasion. Third, Latin American countries are increasingly capital exporters, and the absence of a treaty hurts their multinationals. Finally, now is an opportunity, because the entire US treaty network needs to be updated to take account of TCJA.\",\"PeriodicalId\":415088,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Michigan Law & Economics: Law Faculty Papers (Topic)\",\"volume\":\"32 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2019-05-12\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"1\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Michigan Law & Economics: Law Faculty Papers (Topic)\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3382208\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Michigan Law & Economics: Law Faculty Papers (Topic)","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3382208","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

摘要

自上世纪90年代以来,美国税收协定网络已扩大到包括大多数大型发展中国家。然而,仍有一个明显的例外:美国在拉丁美洲只有两个税收协定(墨西哥和委内瑞拉),还有一个悬而未决的税收协定(智利)。对于美国为何没有与阿根廷或巴西等国签订协定,传统的解释是,自1957年以来,美国拒绝向发展中国家提供税收减免。在2017年减税和就业法案(TCJA)之前,这种解释是错误的,因为递延和交叉抵扣的结合意味着,即使没有税收减免,来源国的免税期也不会导致收入转移到居住国。然而,在TCJA的情况下,这种传统观点需要更新。一方面,现在对直接股息有了豁免,因此不加入条约的传统理由就不存在了。另一方面,GILTI意味着延期被废除,在某种程度上,CFC的收入超过了GILTI的门槛,实际上可以将收入转移到美国。尽管如此,我认为拉美国家应该与美国签订条约,理由有三。首先,交叉信用仍然意味着,即使有GILTI,也可能不会有收入转移。其次,即使是在收入发生变化的情况下,也有很好的理由签署一些条约,比如吸引外国直接投资和限制逃税。第三,拉美国家越来越多地成为资本出口国,而缺乏协议损害了它们的跨国公司。最后,现在是一个机会,因为整个美国条约网络需要更新,以考虑到TCJA。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
If Not Now, When? US Tax Treaties with Latin America after TCJA
Since the 1990s, the US tax treaty network has expanded to include most large developing countries. However, there remains a glaring exception: The US only has two tax treaties in Latin America (Mexico and Venezuela), and one pending tax treaty (Chile). The traditional explanation for why the US has no treaty with, for example, Argentina or Brazil is the US refusal since 1957 to grant tax sparing credits to developing countries. Before the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (TCJA), this explanation was wrong, because the combination of deferral and cross-crediting meant that tax holidays in a source country would not lead to a shift in revenues to a residence country even without tax sparing. This traditional view needs however to be updated given TCJA. On the one hand, there is now an exemption for direct dividends, so that the traditional rationale for not entering into treaties is gone. On the other hand, GILTI means that deferral is abolished and to the extent the income of a CFC exceeds the GILTI threshold there can in fact be a transfer of revenue to the US. Nevertheless, I believe that Latin American countries should enter into treaties with the US, for three reasons. First, cross-crediting still means that even with GILTI there may not be a revenue shift. Second, there are good reasons to enter into treaties even with a revenue shift, such as attracting FDI and limiting tax evasion. Third, Latin American countries are increasingly capital exporters, and the absence of a treaty hurts their multinationals. Finally, now is an opportunity, because the entire US treaty network needs to be updated to take account of TCJA.
求助全文
通过发布文献求助,成功后即可免费获取论文全文。 去求助
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信