白色2K问题

G. Lipsitz
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引用次数: 5

摘要

康奈尔·韦斯特(cornell West)观察到,面对种族在美国社会中仍然重要的程度,从根本上说令人沮丧。尽管20世纪60年代的民权运动取得了重要而持久的胜利,但不同种族的人在住房、医疗、教育和就业方面仍然面临着明显的不平等。生物学家和人类学家现在一致认为,将人类划分为不同的种族是捏造和欺骗的;种族分类是科幻小说。然而,科幻小说往往成为具有致命后果的社会事实。马尔科姆·艾克斯曾经说过,种族主义就像一辆凯迪拉克,他们每年都会推出新车型。正如不可能用60年代的用户手册来修理一辆90年代的卡迪拉克一样,我们也不会用60年代的哲学和方法来解决90年代及以后的种族主义问题。我们面临的挑战是发展一种适合我们这个时代的反种族主义的愿景,适应我们日常生活中因种族不平等而产生的不公正给我们带来的挑战。广泛的私人偏见和公共政策使种族主义在我们的社会中存活和运作,与其说是通过像三k党这样公开的白人至上主义团体的直接、咆哮和参照的种族主义,不如说是通过间接的、制度性的和推断性的种族主义,我称之为对白人的占有性投资。在我看来,对白人的占有性投资创造了我们社会的种族化等级。它决定了哪些家庭获得住房贷款,哪些家庭继续租房,哪些家庭的孩子进入资金充足的学校,哪些孩子进入人满为患、资金不足、教师缺乏经验、设备不足的机构,而这些往往在非白人社区才会出现。对白色的占有性投资决定了哪些人呼吸被污染的空气,哪些人摄入了血液中的铅,哪些人吃了汞中毒的鱼。它决定了谁可以依靠内部消息和个人网络来获得美国85%的工作,这些工作从来没有出现在报纸的“招聘”部分,并影响了失业和就业不足人口的种族构成。它有助于塑造税法,使之能够对那些需要纳税的收入给予优惠待遇
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The white 2K problem
Cornel West observes that it is fundamentally depressing to confront the degree to which race still matters in U.S. society. Although the civil rights movement of the 1960s secured important and lasting victories, people from different races still confront starkly unequal access to housing and health care, to education and employment. Biologists and anthropologists now agree that dividing humanity into different races is fabricated and fraudulent; racial categories are scientific fictions. Yet scientific fictions often become social facts with deadly consequences. Malcolm X used to say that racism was like a Cadillac they make a new model every year. Just as it is impossible to fix a 1990s Cadillac with a 1960s owner's manual, we will not address the racism of the 1990s and beyond with a 1960s philosophy and approach. Our challenge is to develop an anti-racist vision appropriate to our own time, to the challenges presented to us by the injustices inscribed in our everyday lives through racial inequality. A broad range of private prejudices and public policies keep racism alive and functioning in our society, not so much through the direct, snarling, and referential racism of avowedly white supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan, but more through the indirect, institutional, and inferential racism encoded within what I call the possessive investment in whiteness. In my view, the possessive investment in whiteness creates the racialized hierarchies of our society. It determines which families receive home loans and which families remain renters, whose children attend well-funded schools and whose children go to the overcrowded and underfunded institutions with inexperienced teachers and inadequate equipment that tend to be found in non-white neighborhoods. The possessive investment in whiteness determines which people breathe polluted air, ingest lead in their blood streams, or eat fish poisoned by mercury. It determines who can rely on inside information and personal networks to secure one of the 85 percent of all available jobs in the U.S. that never appear in the 'help wanted' section of the newspaper, and influences the racial make-up of the unemployed and under-employed population. It helps shape the tax code in such a way as to give favored treatment to precisely the kinds of income that
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