全球攻势:美国、巴勒斯坦解放组织和冷战后秩序的形成

Sara Awartani
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In charting the PLO's formative years (1967-1975), Chamberlin's arguments are twofold: First, the PLO appropriated the language and military tactics of a variety of national liberation forces, placing the struggle for Palestinian self-determination within a framework of Third World movements. Second, in responding to the emergent \"political fact\" that the PLO was the legitimate voice of the Palestinian people, the United States enacted a three-pronged approach toward the Arab-Israeli conflict: bolstering military aid to regional allies; exploiting tensions between Soviet-Arab alliances; and isolating the PLO from diplomatic solutions to the problem of Palestine. While the book does a fine job of laying out the ways in which the United States tried to subvert the PLO's success at every turn, it ignores why Palestinians would make such critiques of colonial oppression in the first place.Chamberlin draws upon archival records of the US government to highlight how the PLO was an active participant in the international political arena, documenting the extent to which the United States reacted to-rather than solely shaped-the changing nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nowhere is this dynamic better illustrated than in the context of the United Nations. According to Chamberlin, the United Nations was a forum in which formerly peripheral nations formed solidarities and viewed the United States in an increasingly critical light. As such, the United Nations provided an important platform for the PLO to garner international sympathy for Palestinian self-determination. Chamberlin suggests that Fatah mobilized the language of the UN Charter and Universal Declaration of Human Rights to demand international recognition of Palestinian dignity in the face of Israeli occupation. The PLO's acquisition of international support complicated US efforts at the United Nations throughout the period. Such was the case of Security Council debates on Israeli attacks against Syria and Lebanon in retaliation for PLO-led actions, such as the Munich murders in 1972. The United States issued the sole veto against a resolution condemning Israel, while the majority of nations, including those recently decolonized, interpreted Israeli retaliation as proof of \"aggressive expansionist policies\"-a charge substantiated by the reality of the 1967 occupation (165).In the eyes of the United States, the PLO came to \"embody the threat of transnational radicalism everywhere\" (93). 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Chamberlin suggests that Fatah mobilized the language of the UN Charter and Universal Declaration of Human Rights to demand international recognition of Palestinian dignity in the face of Israeli occupation. The PLO's acquisition of international support complicated US efforts at the United Nations throughout the period. Such was the case of Security Council debates on Israeli attacks against Syria and Lebanon in retaliation for PLO-led actions, such as the Munich murders in 1972. The United States issued the sole veto against a resolution condemning Israel, while the majority of nations, including those recently decolonized, interpreted Israeli retaliation as proof of \\\"aggressive expansionist policies\\\"-a charge substantiated by the reality of the 1967 occupation (165).In the eyes of the United States, the PLO came to \\\"embody the threat of transnational radicalism everywhere\\\" (93). 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引用次数: 5

摘要

《全球攻势:美国、巴勒斯坦解放组织和冷战后秩序的形成》保罗·托马斯·张伯伦纽约:牛津大学出版社,2012年(11 + 324页,参考书目、索引、插图、地图)36.95美元(布面),24.95美元(纸面)萨拉·阿瓦塔尼(Sara awartani)书评保罗·托马斯·张伯伦的《全球攻势》讲述了“日益国际化的巴勒斯坦问题”的外交故事(75)。他的作品试图通过阐释巴勒斯坦解放组织(巴解组织)在构建当代世界秩序中的作用,超越对巴勒斯坦历史的狭隘叙述。在描绘巴解组织的形成时期(1967-1975)时,张伯伦的论点有两个方面:首先,巴解组织借用了各种民族解放力量的语言和军事策略,将争取巴勒斯坦自决的斗争置于第三世界运动的框架内。其次,在回应巴解组织是巴勒斯坦人民的合法代言人这一新兴“政治事实”时,美国对阿以冲突采取了三管齐下的做法:加强对地区盟友的军事援助;利用苏联-阿拉伯联盟之间的紧张关系;使巴解组织无法通过外交途径解决巴勒斯坦问题。虽然这本书很好地列出了美国试图在每一个转折点上破坏巴解组织成功的方式,但它忽略了为什么巴勒斯坦人首先会对殖民压迫提出这样的批评。张伯伦利用美国政府的档案记录来强调巴解组织在国际政治舞台上是如何积极参与的,记录了美国对阿以冲突不断变化的性质的反应程度,而不是仅仅塑造了这种反应。没有比联合国更能说明这种动态的了。张伯伦认为,联合国是一个论坛,在这个论坛上,以前处于边缘地位的国家形成了团结,并以越来越批判的眼光看待美国。因此,联合国为巴解组织提供了一个重要的平台,以争取国际社会对巴勒斯坦自决的同情。张伯伦认为,法塔赫利用《联合国宪章》和《世界人权宣言》的语言,要求国际社会承认巴勒斯坦人在以色列占领下的尊严。巴解组织获得国际支持使美国在整个时期在联合国的努力复杂化。安全理事会就以色列攻击叙利亚和黎巴嫩以报复巴解组织领导的行动,如1972年的慕尼黑谋杀,进行辩论的情况就是如此。美国对谴责以色列的决议行使了唯一的否决权,而大多数国家,包括那些最近非殖民化的国家,将以色列的报复解释为“侵略性扩张主义政策”的证据——1967年占领的现实证实了这一指控(165)。在美国看来,巴解组织“处处体现着跨国激进主义的威胁”(93)。然而,张伯伦并不仅仅通过美国的视角成功地将巴解组织描述为创造当代历史的动态行动者。尽管没有正式的巴勒斯坦国档案,张伯伦还是将巴解组织发行的政治报纸、传单和海报与公报和正式的外交信函结合在一起。从这些档案材料中浮现出来的叙述拒绝将巴勒斯坦人仅仅定义为以色列、美国或周边阿拉伯政府的政治棋子,而是坚持将他们描述为塑造自己外交政策的政治角色。“当他们进入第三世界解放的跨国文化时,”钱伯伦写道,“巴勒斯坦战士变得善于穿越冷战国际体系的革命网络,并成为世界各地进步运动的名人”. ...
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The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestinian Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post - Cold War Order
THE GLOBAL OFFENSIVE: THE UNITED STATES, THE PALESTINIAN LIBERATION ORGANIZATION, AND THE MAKING OF THE POST - COLD WAR ORDER Paul Thomas Chamberlin New York: Oxford University Press, 2012 (xi + 324 pages, bibliography, index, illustrations, maps) $36.95 (cloth), $24.95 (paper)Reviewed by Sara AwartaniPaul Thomas Chamberlin's The Global Offensive tells the diplomatic story of the "increasingly international question of Palestine" (75). His work seeks to transcend parochial narratives of Palestinian history by illuminating the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the construction of the contemporary world order. In charting the PLO's formative years (1967-1975), Chamberlin's arguments are twofold: First, the PLO appropriated the language and military tactics of a variety of national liberation forces, placing the struggle for Palestinian self-determination within a framework of Third World movements. Second, in responding to the emergent "political fact" that the PLO was the legitimate voice of the Palestinian people, the United States enacted a three-pronged approach toward the Arab-Israeli conflict: bolstering military aid to regional allies; exploiting tensions between Soviet-Arab alliances; and isolating the PLO from diplomatic solutions to the problem of Palestine. While the book does a fine job of laying out the ways in which the United States tried to subvert the PLO's success at every turn, it ignores why Palestinians would make such critiques of colonial oppression in the first place.Chamberlin draws upon archival records of the US government to highlight how the PLO was an active participant in the international political arena, documenting the extent to which the United States reacted to-rather than solely shaped-the changing nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Nowhere is this dynamic better illustrated than in the context of the United Nations. According to Chamberlin, the United Nations was a forum in which formerly peripheral nations formed solidarities and viewed the United States in an increasingly critical light. As such, the United Nations provided an important platform for the PLO to garner international sympathy for Palestinian self-determination. Chamberlin suggests that Fatah mobilized the language of the UN Charter and Universal Declaration of Human Rights to demand international recognition of Palestinian dignity in the face of Israeli occupation. The PLO's acquisition of international support complicated US efforts at the United Nations throughout the period. Such was the case of Security Council debates on Israeli attacks against Syria and Lebanon in retaliation for PLO-led actions, such as the Munich murders in 1972. The United States issued the sole veto against a resolution condemning Israel, while the majority of nations, including those recently decolonized, interpreted Israeli retaliation as proof of "aggressive expansionist policies"-a charge substantiated by the reality of the 1967 occupation (165).In the eyes of the United States, the PLO came to "embody the threat of transnational radicalism everywhere" (93). Yet it is not solely through the perspective of the United States that Chamberlin succeeds in conveying the PLO as dynamic actors in the creation of contemporary history. Despite the absence of a formal Palestinian state archive, Chamberlin weaves together PLO-issued political newspapers, flyers, and posters alongside communiques and formal diplomatic correspondence. The narrative that emerges from these archival materials refuses to frame Palestinians as mere political pawns of Israel, the United States, or the surrounding Arab governments, but rather insists on presenting them as political actors fashioning their own foreign policies."As they tapped into the transnational culture of Third World liberation," writes Chamberlin, "Palestinian fighters became adept at traversing the revolutionary networks of the Cold War international system and became a cause celebre for progressive movements around the world" (6). …
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