今天革命的马克思主义案例

Ernest Mandel
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引用次数: 4

摘要

革命是生活的历史事实。当今世界上几乎所有的大国都是从革命中诞生的。不管人们喜欢与否,我们这个世纪已经经历了三十多次革命——有些胜利了,有些失败了——没有迹象表明我们已经走到了革命经验的尽头。由于占主导地位的生产关系和政治权力关系的结构性质,革命一直是,并将继续是生活的事实。正是因为这种关系是结构性的,因为它们不只是“消失”,也因为统治阶级反对逐渐消除这些关系,革命成为实现推翻这些关系的手段。从革命的本质来看,它是对主流社会和(或)政治结构的突然、激进的推翻——这是历史进程中的飞跃——我们不应该得出这样的结论:进化(或改革)与革命之间隔着一堵不可逾越的中国墙。量的渐进的社会变化在历史上当然会发生,质的革命的社会变化也会发生。前者常常为后者做准备,特别是在某种生产方式衰亡的时代。由于新的生产关系和革命阶级(或主要阶级派别)在其中崛起的政治力量,主流的经济和政治权力关系可能被侵蚀、破坏、日益受到挑战,甚至可能慢慢瓦解。这就是革命前危机时期的一般特征。但是,一个特定的社会和/或政治秩序的侵蚀和衰败,与它的被推翻,本质上是不同的。进化不等于革命。当人们从进化论和革命之间没有严格的绝对区别这一事实中得出进化论和革命之间根本没有根本区别的结论时,就把辩证法变成了诡辩。然而,统治结构的突然推翻只是这一社会现象的一个关键特征。另一种是通过大规模的民众动员,通过大量普通民众对政治生活和政治斗争的突然、大规模的积极干预,推翻他们。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Marxist Case for Revolution Today
Revolutions are historical facts of life. Almost all major states in today's world are born from revolutions. Whether one likes it or not, our century has seen something like three dozen revolutions - some victorious, others defeated - and there is no sign that we have come to the end of the revolutionary experience. Revolutions have been, and will remain, facts of life because of the structural nature of prevailing relations of production and relations of political power. Precisely because such relations are structural, because they do not just 'fade away' - as well as because ruling classes resist the gradual elimination of these relations to the very end - revolutions emerge as the means whereby the overthrow of these relations is realized. From the nature of a revolution as a sudden, radical overthrow of prevailing social and (or) political structures - leaps in the historical process - one should not draw the conclusion that an impenetrable Chinese wall separates evolution (or reforms) from revolution. Quantitative gradual social changes of course do occur in history, as do qualitative revolutionary ones. Very often the former prepare the latter especially in epochs of decay of a given mode of production. Prevailing economic and political power relations can be eroded, undermined, increasingly challenged or can even be slowly disintegrated, by new relations of production and the political strength of revolutionary classes (or major class fractions) rising in their midst. This is what generally characterises periods of pre-revolutionary crises. But erosion and decay of a given social and/or political order remains basically different from its overthrow. Evolution is not identical with revolution. One transforms dialectics into sophism when, from the fact that there is no rigid absolute distinction between evolution and revolution, one draws the conclusion that there is no basic difference between them at all. The sudden overthrow of ruling structures is, however, only one key characteristic of that social phenomenon. The other one is their overthrow through huge popular mobilisation, through the sudden massive active intervention of large masses of ordinary people in political life and political strugg1e.
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