大声呼唤复仇和殖民种姓的力量

B. O’Leary
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在欧盟的后半段,参与危机发生在整个体制范围内,许多爱尔兰男女选择退出,而不是发声或忠诚。然而,这在一个新兴大国中产生了资源更丰富的爱尔兰侨民。天主教徒实现了一定程度的社会流动性,但在某些职业中经历了倒退;相比之下,长老会更明显地受益于泛新教。教会加强了在教育,包括高等教育方面的机构力量。本章强调了联邦的不民主性质,但无记名投票和最终扩大男性选举权使长期以来显而易见的事情更加明显:大多数爱尔兰天主教徒倾向于废除联邦、地方自治或独立,或其某种变体。选民的扩大,加上现代化,巩固了民族主义和联合主义在选举中的固化,分别得到文化天主教徒和文化新教徒的支持,尤其是在两极分化最深的阿尔斯特。以政党形式形成的爱尔兰民族主义和共和主义,最初侧重于土地权利和地方自治,以及爱尔兰和阿尔斯特联合主义的反运动。第一次世界大战推迟了新军事化的爱尔兰的冲突。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Crying Aloud for Vengeance and the Power of a Colonial Caste
In the latter half of the Union, participation crises occurred across the institutional spectrum, with many Irish men and women choosing exit rather than voice or loyalty. That, however, produced a better-resourced Irish diaspora in an emergent great power. Catholics achieved some limited social mobility, but experienced regression in some occupations; by contrast, Presbyterians more clearly benefited from pan-Protestantism. The churches deepened their institutional strength in education, including higher education. The undemocratic character of the Union is emphasized in this chapter, but the secret ballot and the eventual widening of the male franchise made more visible what had long been evident: most Irish Catholics preferred repeal of the Union, home rule, or independence, or some variant thereof. The expanded electorate, in conjunction with modernization, underpinned the electoral solidification of nationalism and unionism, respectively supported by cultural Catholics and cultural Protestants, especially in Ulster, where polarization was deepest. The formation of Irish nationalism and republicanism in party formats, initially focused on land rights and home rule, and the countermovement of Irish and Ulster unionism are treated. The First World War postponed conflict in a newly para-militarized Ireland.
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