奥巴马总统与政治话语中的多态“他者

C. Kim
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引用次数: 3

摘要

去年春天,在伯克利法学院举行的亚裔美国人法律期刊研讨会上,我展示了两张相隔20年的总统竞选照片。观众大多是二十多岁的法律系学生,只有少数人认出第一张照片是威利·霍顿(Willie Horton)的大头照,后者是共和党电视广告中的黑人重罪犯,在1988年帮助民主党人迈克尔·杜卡基斯(Michael Dukakis)的总统竞选中失败。然而,他们认出了第二张照片:2008年7月《纽约客》封面上,巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)和米歇尔·奥巴马(Michelle Obama)分别打扮成穆斯林和武装分子(黑豹?)。奥巴马给米歇尔的是福克斯新闻主播E.D.希尔所说的“恐怖分子的一拳”:“奥萨马·本·拉登的画像悬挂在壁炉架上;美国国旗在壁炉里燃烧。这两张照片都捕捉到了种族在美国选举政治中成为一股强大力量的历史性时刻。两者都表达了保守派对自由主义者正在使国家变得脆弱的那种威胁的担忧——在第一种情况下,不可救药的黑人重罪犯的累犯犯罪;在第二种情况下,伊斯兰恐怖分子冒充美国总统和第一夫人在内部接管了最高权力。我认为,把这两幅相隔20年的总统竞选照片放在一起,可以告诉我们一些关于新千年中种族、宗教和国家观念转变的重要信息。这些不断变化的概念,在党派政治斗争的过程中被打磨得锃亮,揭示了一个看似矛盾的观点,即美国政治话语中的“他者”是一种不断变化的形式,即使它保持着惊人的不变。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
President Obama and the Polymorphous "Other" in Political Discourse
At the Asian American Law Journal Symposium at Berkeley Law last spring,' I displayed two pictures from two presidential contests twenty years apart. Only a few in the audience, composed mostly of twentysomething-year-old law students, recognized the first picture as a mug shot of Willie Horton, the black convicted felon featured in the Republican television ad that helped sink Democrat Michael Dukakis' presidential bid in 1988.2 They did, however, recognize the second picture: the July 2008 cover of the New Yorker featuring Barack Obama and Michelle Obama dressed as a Muslim and a militant (Black Panther?) respectively. Barack is giving Michelle what FOX news anchor E.D. Hill called a "terrorist fist jab";' Osama bin Laden's portrait hangs over the mantel; and the American flag bums in the fireplace. Both pictures capture historic moments in which race emerged as a potent force in American electoral politics. Both give voice to conservative fears about the kind of threats to which liberals are leaving the nation vulnerable-in the first case, recidivist crime by the incorrigible black felon; in the second case, an inside takeover at the highest level of power by Islamic terrorists posing as the American President and the First Lady. I suggest that juxtaposing these two pictures, these snapshots from presidential contests twenty years apart, tells us something important about shifting notions of race, religion, and the Nation in the new millennium. These changing notions, burnished in the course of partisan political struggle, intimate the seemingly contradictory point that "the Other" in U.S. political discourse is a continuously shifting form even as it stays eerily the same.
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