企业政治演讲:谁说了算?

L. Bebchuk, Robert J. Jackson, Jr.
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引用次数: 80

摘要

只要企业有参与政治支出的自由——最高法院最近在“联合公民诉联邦选举委员会”一案中扩大了这种自由——法律就必须规定企业如何决定行使这种自由。这篇论文是为《哈佛法律评论》2010年最高法院专刊撰写的,重点讨论了上市公司在决定将公司资金用于政治活动时应该制定哪些规则。我们的论文是献给维克多·布鲁德尼(Victor Brudney)教授的,他很久以前就预见到了公司法规则对规范企业言论的重要性。根据现有的公司法规则,公司政治言论的决策与普通商业决策一样要遵守同样的规则。因此,政治言论决策可以在没有股东意见、独立董事角色或详细披露(公司法规则为特殊公司决策建立的保障措施)的情况下做出。我们认为,在政治言论决策方面,董事和高管的利益可能与股东的利益存在显著差异,这些决策可能具有股东的特殊表达意义。因此,我们建议,政治言论决策从根本上不同于普通的商业决策,也不应遵循与普通商业决策相同的规则。我们评估了立法者如何设计特殊规则,使公司的政治言论决策与股东利益保持一致。特别是,我们建议采用以下规则:(i)让股东在确定公司政治支出的金额和目标方面发挥作用;(二)要求独立董事监督政治言论决策;(iii)允许股东选择不遵守(即收紧或放松)上述任何一项规定;(iv)要求向股东披露公司直接或间接通过中介机构进行的任何政治支出的金额和受益人。我们将解释这些规则如何使股东受益。我们还解释了为什么最好不要将这些规则视为对公司言论权利的限制,而应将其视为确定公司是否应被视为希望从事政治言论的一种方法。因此,拟议的规则将保护而不是削弱公司根据第一修正案享有的权利。我们还讨论了有关公司政治言论决策的决策规则可能寻求服务的另一个目标:保护少数股东不被迫与多数股东支持的政治言论联系在一起。我们将讨论立法者可能寻求保护的少数股东的经济利益和第一修正案的利益。我们建议,针对政治支出的决策规则可能是宪法允许的,而这些政治支出受到足够多的少数股东的反对,我们讨论了立法者如何设计这些规则。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Corporate Political Speech: Who Decides?
As long as corporations have the freedom to engage in political spending - a freedom expanded by the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Citizens United v. FEC - the law will have to provide rules governing how corporations decide to exercise that freedom. This paper, which was written for the Harvard Law Review’s 2010 Supreme Court issue, focuses on what rules should govern public corporations’ decisions to spend corporate funds on politics. Our paper is dedicated to Professor Victor Brudney, who long ago anticipated the significance of corporate law rules for regulating corporate speech. Under existing corporate-law rules, corporate political speech decisions are subject to the same rules as ordinary business decisions. Consequently, political speech decisions can be made without input from shareholders, a role for independent directors, or detailed disclosure - the safeguards that corporate law rules establish for special corporate decisions. We argue that the interests of directors and executives may significantly diverge from those of shareholders with respect to political speech decisions, and that these decisions may carry special expressive significance from shareholders. Accordingly, we suggest, political speech decisions are fundamentally different from, and should not be subject to the same rules as, ordinary business decisions. We assess how lawmakers could design special rules that would align corporate political speech decisions with shareholder interests. In particular, we propose the adoption of rules that (i) provide shareholders a role in determining the amount and targets of corporate political spending; (ii) require that political speech decisions be overseen by independent directors; (iii) allow shareholders to opt out of - that is, either tighten or relax - either of these rules; and (iv) mandate disclosure to shareholders of the amounts and beneficiaries of any political spending by the company, either directly or indirectly through intermediaries. We explain how such rules can benefit shareholders. We also explain why such rules are best viewed not as limitations on corporations’ speech rights but rather as a method for determining whether a corporation should be regarded as wishing to engage in political speech. The proposed rules would thus protect, rather than abridge, corporations’ First Amendment rights. We also discuss an additional objective that decisional rules concerning corporations’ political speech decisions may seek to serve: protecting minority shareholders from forced association with political speech that is supported by the majority of shareholders. We discuss the economic and First Amendment interests of minority shareholders that lawmakers may seek to protect. We suggest that decisional rules addressing political spending opposed by a sufficiently large minority of shareholders are likely to be constitutionally permissible, and we discuss how such rules could be designed by lawmakers.
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