反对小额信贷利率上限的矛盾案例——以及:金融科技和监管科技如何解决这一困境

D. Zetzsche, Tsany Ratna Dewi
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引用次数: 12

摘要

自2010年以来,约有40个发展中国家和转型经济体实施了利率上限。本文分析了这些利率上限对小额信贷机构的影响。引入软、中、硬利率上限的分类,我们反对硬利率上限,认为这种硬上限的弊端大于好处。我们的文章结构如下:在第二章中,我们展示了在上限实施背景下发布的监管材料揭示了实施利率上限的四个理由,包括消费者和客户保护、欺诈预防和欺骗性信贷提供者的剥削、对特定战略行业或部门的支持,以及打击信贷成本超过实际贷款成本加上合理利润率的反竞争行为。在第三章。我们认为,这些论点并不能证明实施硬性利率上限是合理的。我们对这四个论点中的每一个都提出了质疑,认为硬利率上限作为一刀切的解决方案,在区分小额信贷机构运营的不同服务水平和行业环境方面过于迟钝。在第四部分中,我们概述了硬性利率上限会导致两种不必要的后果:增加非正式信贷部门的重要性,并进一步推动小额信贷机构的使命漂移。在第五章中,我们还指出,与北方低利率经济体的比较是有缺陷的。在第六部分中,我们利用金融和监管技术制定了替代解决方案。首先,降低过高利率的最适当方法是促进所有可以提供信贷的机构之间的竞争。而不是区分受监管的银行,小额信贷机构和移动货币和贷款提供商,所有这三个群体构成各自的信贷市场,信贷市场的三个分支之间的竞争,原则上是可取的,如果政策目标是竞争的优点。这就需要发展功能良好的信用登记册,披露有效利率,并促进数字金融服务。Pt。七世。总结道。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Paradoxical Case Against Interest Rate Caps for Microfinance – And: How FinTech and RegTech Resolve the Dilemma
Since 2010 approximately 40 developing countries and transitional economies imposed interest rate caps. This article analyses the impact of these interest rate caps on microfinance institutions. Introducing the taxonomy of soft, mezzo and hard interest rate caps we take a stance against hard interest rate caps arguing that the downsides of such hard caps outweight the benefits. Our article is structured as follows: In Pt. II we show that regulatory materials published in the context of cap implementation reveals four justifications for imposing interest rate caps, including consumer and client protection, fraud prevention and exploitation by deceptive credit providers, support for a particular strategic industry or sector, and combating anti-competitive behavior where the costs of credit exceed the actual cost of lending plus a reasonable profit margin. In Pt. III. to V. we argue that these arguments do not justify the imposition of hard interest rate caps: In Pt. III. we challenge each of the four arguments, arguing that hard interest rate caps, as one-size-fits-all solutions are too blunt an instrument to distinguish between the different service levels and industry environments in which microfinance institutions operate. In Pt IV. we outline that hard interest rate caps prompt two unwanted consequences instead: increasing the importance of the informal credit sector, and furthering the microfinance institution's mission drift. In Pt. V. we also show that the comparison with Northern low-interest economies is flawed. Drawing on financial and regulatory technologies we develop alternative solutions in Part VI. First, the most adequate way to reduce too high interest rates is furthering competition among all institutions that could provide credit. Rather than distinguishing between regulated banks, microfinance institutions and mobile money and lending providers all of these three groups constitute the respective credit market, and competition between the three branches of credit markets is, in principle, desirable, if the policy objective is competition on the merits. This requires the development of well function credit registers, disclosure of effective interest rates and the facilitation of digital financial services. Pt. VII. concludes.
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